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RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 
EMPRESS EUGENIE 




THE EMPRESS EUGENIE IN ROYAL ROBES 

From the picture by Winterhalter 



Recollections of the 

Empress Eugenie 



By 

Augustin Filon 



WITH EIGHT HALF-TONE PLATES 




Funk & Wagnalls Company- 
New York 
1921 






n. \ 



Copyright, November, 1920, by 
FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY 

[ Printed in the United States of America ] 

First Published in the United States, 1921 



'Bbliel9#F 



Copyright Under the Articles of the Copyright Convention 

of the Pan-American Republics and the 

United States, August n, 1910. 



PUBLISHERS' NOTE 

The writer of the following pages, M. Augustjn Filon, 
was a well-known French man of letters and the author 
of a number of works of fiction, as well as of many 
articles, reviews and books on contemporary English 
politics, art and literature. A sympathetic observer and 
critic of England, where he had made his home after 
the revolution of 1 870, he greatly helped to make Eng- 
land understood by his countrymen, and may thus be 
counted among the most useful pioneers of the Entente 
Cordiale. 

Born In 1 841, in Paris, he took up teaching as a pro- 
fession after a brilliant school and University career, and 
for some years lectured In the Lycees of Nice and 
Grenoble. In 1867 he was selected by the then Minister 
of Education, M. Victor Duruy, to supervise the educa- 
tion of the Prince Imperial, a task to which he devoted 
his whole time and energy until 1875, when, the Prince 
being now of age, M. Filon left the Imperial household 
and married shortly afterwards. During those eight 
years he was in constant and intimate contact, not only 
with the Prince, but also with the Emperor and Empress, 
the latter of whom especially reposed in him an affection- 
ate trust and kept up friendly relations which were broken 
only by death. During the Empress's Regency in 1870 
M. Filon acted as her private secretary, and he was there- 
fore able to speak of the political events of that time with 
authority and first-hand knowledge. He accompanied 
the Imperial family to Chislehurst, and was at Woolwich 



Publishers' Note 



with the Prince Imperial when the latter was a cadet at 
the Royal Military Academy. About 1877 M. Filon 
suffered from a severe illness which necessitated a suc- 
cession of operations, as a result of which he was almost 
entirely deprived of the use of his eyes. Some time after- 
wards he settled definitely in England, first at Margate 
and later in Croydon, where he died suddenly on May 13, 
1916. It was during this period (1880-1916) that he pro- 
duced the bulk of his literary work, in spite of the great 
difficulties caused by his sight, which failed him almost 
entirely during the latter years of his life. 

The present "Recollections" were left among his 
MSS. with instructions that they were not to be published 
during the lifetime of the Empress. They were not 
intended by him in any way as a biography of the Empress 
Eugenie, still less as a panegyric, but as a conscientious 
record of unbiased personal evidence concerning person- 
alities and events about which there has been much bitter 
controversy. Hence the personal note which is dominant 
throughout the book, and which is essential if the reader 
is to discriminate between what the author has actually 
witnessed, what he relates at second-hand, and what he 
has obtained from documents. Whenever his own experi- 
ences are not strictly relevant to the immediate subject, 
M. Filon has kept them carefully in the background: he 
says nothing, for example, of his own return to France in 
1870 to enlist as a soldier, when, as a reward for his 
patriotic initiative, he was arrested by order of the Re- 
publican Government and expelled from France, after 
being kept for weeks in a cell with a sentence of death 
hanging over him. 

In translating the work (of which the proofs, unfor- 
tunately, could not be revised by the author), every effort 

vi 



Publishers' Note 



has been made to keep scrupulously to the sense of the 
French original. A few footnotes have been added to 
make intelligible certain references or expressions which 
might have puzzled the English reader; and some obvious 
oversights such as mistakes in spelling of proper names, 
etc., clearly due to the fact that the author's infirmity 
made him dependent on other eyes than his own, have 
been corrected. 

It had been M. Filon's intention to have added at the 
end various notes and appendices. Of these no trace 
has been found among his papers, and it seems probable 
that death overtook him before he was able to complete 
this part of the work. All references in the text to such 
appendices have therefore been deleted. 

The book was primarily addrest to French readers, 
and has been published almost simultaneously in France. 
This point of view has been retained in the English 
translation, as it was felt that any adaptation or modifica- 
tion of the text was both impracticable and undesirable. 

Finally, it should be noted that, as the Empress 
Eugenie survived M. Filon by four years (her death took 
place on July ii, 1920) these last four years of her life 
are not dealt with. 



vu 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

The Empress Eugenie in Royal Robes . . . Frontispiece 

FACING PAGE 

fontainebleau 46 

Saint Cloud 58 

Napoleon III 134 

The Empress Eugenie in 1870 214 

The Empress Eugenie in 1889 214 

Camden House, Chislehurst 234 

Farnborough Hill 234 

Napoleon HI and the Prince Imperial in i 871 . . . . 248 
The Empress Eugenie toward the Close of her Life . . 276 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

1. First Impressions: Memories OF THE Past .... i 

2. The Romance of Louis-Napoleon and Eugenie de 

Guzman — After the Marriage 20 

3. The Empress at Home 

I. Biarritz, Fontainebleau, Compi^gne and Saint 
Cloud . . . ; 43 

4. The Empress at Home 

n. Life at the Tuileries (1867-70). The Empress 
and Politics 61 

5. The Regency 

L July 28-AuGusT 7, 1870 84 

6. The Regency 

n. August 7-September 4, 1870 109 

7. The Fourth of September 136 

8. From the Tuileries to Hastings 158 

9. Monsieur R^gnier 170 

10. The Empress and the Capitulation of Metz .... 197 

11. Life AT Chislehurst 233 

12. January 9, 1873 259 

13. The Empress Effaces Herself 272 

14. The Pilgrimage to Itelezi 287 

15. Forty Years of Silence 305 

Index 319 



Recollections of the Empress 
Eugenie 

CHAPTER I 

FIRST IMPRESSIONS: MEMORIES OF THE PAST 

I WAS first presented to the Empress Eugenie on 
September 5, 1867, and the day before General 
Frossard had Instructed me in my duties as tutor, 
or, to be more correct, as assistant-tutor, to the Prince 
Imperial. The Prince, convalescent after an Illness, was 
then staying at Saint Cloud with a small entourage of 
three or four people who seemed lost in the immense 
deserted chateau, where I had spent the last twenty-four 
hours, marveling at the magical change In my humble 
existence, and abandoning myself to the fascination of 
this royal solitude. 

I wandered undisturbed through galleries crowded 
with art treasures and peopled with memories of the past. 
Through the half-open windows I listened to the murmur- 
ing music of the fountains which "ceased not day nor 
night," and I watched the sunshine gild the sward once 
trodden by Marie Antoinette and Marie-Louise. 

We smoked an after-dinner cigar in the great Cour 
d'Honneur, whilst over Paris, so vague and distant, the 
reflection of many lights gradually spread in the evening 
sky. Suddenly the sound of wheels and lights moving 
in regular file directed our attention towards the Avenue. 

I 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 



"It is the Emperor and the Empress ! " exclaimed my 
companions, who were apparently accustomed to these 
surprise visits, and they rushed off to receive Their 
Majesties. I followed, and the next instant I found 
myself in the midst of a number of strangers, none of 
whom took the smallest notice of me. These gentlemen 
and ladies followed the sovereigns up the great staircase; 
I did the same, and by the time we reached the first salon, 
which was situated between the Prince's study and the 
aide-de-camp's room, I was so completely hidden that I 
was greatly surprized when the Empress said to the 
Emperor: 

"I think I notice a new face!" 

At once, as if by magic, the crowd parted, and those 
next to me, who until then had seemed unconscious of 
my existence, stood aside. 

"Let me introduce Louis' new tutor to you," said the 
Emperor, to whom I had been presented by General 
Frossard on the preceding Friday; and in these words 
the Emperor dispensed with the title of assistant-tutor 
deliberately chosen by the Governor, but never mentioned 
again. 

I bowed so low that I almost missed the smile with 
which the Empress greeted me. Thereupon the Emperor 
and the Empress went into their son's room and I saw 
nothing more of them that evening. 

The following day the Court dined at Saint Cloud, 
and the Empress went with her attendants on a torchlight 
excursion to Versailles and Trianon. She invited "the 
young Court," as we were called, to accompany her, and 
"the young Court" was nothing loath to enjoy itself. 
Personally I should have loved to revisit the scenes of 
my childhood in such distinguished company and under 



Meeting with the Empress 



such picturesque conditions, but etiquet obliged us to 
decline, with a great show of respect, any amusement in 
which our Prince was unable to participate. 

At dinner I sat between Louise Stuart — a niece of 
the Empress — and the charming Count of Cosse Brissac, 
who afterwards became one of my friends. I was placed 
rather prominently, and I felt instinctively that I was 
being closely observed by the mother of my pupil, who 
was doubtless curious to know what manner of man 
M. Duruy and M. Frossard had chosen to instruct her 
son. I have always been near-sighted, and, as I dared 
not use my eyeglass, the Empress that night was for me 
merely a voice! 

On September 7 we left for Biarritz. The Empress 
spoke to me very kindly several times during the journey, 
but I was too nervous even to glance at her; I only 
answered in monosyllables, although everyone else seemed 
wonderfully at ease with her. 

We arrived at the Villa Eugenie on Sunday, Sep- 
tember 8, and in the afternoon the Empress honored me 
with a long interview — an interview which banished all 
my fears and marked the commencement of a succession 
of surprizes. 

I found the Empress entirely different, physically, 
mentally and morally, from the woman I had imagined 
her to be. As I had passed the fourteen years of her 
reign first at a boarding school, then at college, and 
later in a provincial town, I only knew her by her por- 
traits. Two especially had always struck me: one was the 
lovely profile by Winterhalter, so often reproduced as 
an engraving, the original of which I was destined to 
convey to Camden Place after its rescue by the Registrar 
of Fontainebleau; the other was an official painting, 

3 



Recollections of the Empress Eug6nie 

copies of which hung in all the important provincial town 
halls, and which even the color printers of Epinal had 
failed to spoil entirely. 

In it the Empress is shown standing, wearing a magnif- 
icent crown of precious stones, with her Imperial mantle 
sweeping the steps of the throne. Winterhalter had given 
her the look of a dreamer, a look of mingled sweetness 
and veiled melancholy, which seemed to search among 
the shadows of the future or of the past for some unspoken 
hope or regret. But in the official picture she appears 
young, dazzling, almost childishly happy, the artist insist- 
ing on her face expressing a sort of enraptured wonder 
at her exalted fortune. 

Neither of these pictures conveys any idea of the 
character or intellect of their subject. When afterwards 
I saw the Empress, majestic in her imperial splendor, 
I often noticed in her expression that sweet and dreamy 
sadness which Winterhalter had sensed and exprest. 
But when I saw her at close quarters for the first time 
she recalled neither of these two pictures. There was no 
posing, no striving after effect; she was far simpler and 
more natural in her movements and in her speech than 
any of the ladies who surrounded her, and she seemed 
to think no more of playing the part of a pretty woman 
than of assuming the role of an Empress. 

Many years have passed since that Sunday afternoon 
at Biarritz, but I can still see her standing on the terrace 
of the Villa. She had neither hat nor parasol, and, shad- 
ing her eyes with her tiny gloved hand, she gave little 
thought to the ravages of a sun almost Spanish in its in- 
tensity, a glare which did not spare a complexion already 
a little faded. It would have been easy for her to have 
hidden certain marks and lines — hardly visible, perhaps — 

4 



The Prince Imperial's Studies 

left on her face by physical and mental suffering. But 
she never resorted to artificial aids to beauty, and, beyond 
using a little harmless rice powder, her only weakness 
was a penciled line under the eyelashes. She had come 
to consider that this black line was an essential part of 
her appearance, and she would not have recognized herself 
without the artificial shadow which changed the expression 
of her eyes. I might almost say that her insistence upon 
it was an expression of her truthfulness. She felt that 
to be seen without this would have the effect of a dis- 
guise, and she once stubbornly refused to do away with 
the black line when its omission might have been her 
salvation. 

But I must return to the terrace at Biarritz and to our 
interview. The Empress first asked me to allow her 
nieces to share some of the Prince Imperial's studies until 
their governess,* whose arrival was daily expected, joined 
them. Then our conversation turned on the Prince's 
education. She spoke freely, with a warmth and frank- 
ness that alike astonished and charmed me, and from 
that day she seemed to repose entire confidence in me. 
She spoke kindly, almost affectionately, of my teacher, 
Victor Duruy, who was, I had always thought, her pet 
aversion, and exprest her opinions unsparingly about 
various persons who were popularly supposed to enjoy 
her favor. 

Her views, far in advance of those propounded for 
the last thirty years by the best educational authorities, 
were sound, new and daring. The Empress laid stress 
upon the development of character above all things. She 
wanted instilled into her son independent judgment 

^ This governess, chosen from the most distinguished ladies at Saint Denis, was 
Mile. Redel, who married Victor Duruy some years later. 

5 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

combined with proper respect for the rights of others, 
Initiative, and "the courage to think," which, she said, 
"must precede the courage to act." 

Her words made a deep impression on me and dissi- 
pated my former idea of her as the flawless beauty who 
reigned like a fairy queen In the midst of theatrical 
splendor. Instead, here was a woman who possest 
both brains and heart, and who inspired me with 
passionate loyalty. 

This first impression might perhaps have faded had 
It not been subsequently confirmed during the days 
following. On September 19 I wrote to my mother: 

"It is impossible to Imagine anyone so fascinating 
and at the same time so regal as the Empress, and one 
is naturally impelled to try to please her and to deserve 
her gracious regard. She combines a chivalrous and 
impulsive nature with a mind whose practical knowledge 
and accuracy continually astonishes even the expert. She 
argues with a brilliance which absolutely dumbfounds me, 
and she possesses that wonderful gift, rarely found in a 
woman — the gift of eloquence." ^ 

As the Empress showed herself to me, so she showed 
herself to others. The Emperor was constantly asking 
people questions, and he received their replies v/ith a 
vague mutter which might have been Interpreted In many 
ways, but as he also Inclined his head and smiled with 
his eyes and with his lips, the person interrogated fully 

^ Yet the Empress often used to amuse herself by telling us how, during certain 
State functions, she never spoke a word, and once practically ran away in the middle 
of the ceremony when she was presiding at the Societe du Prince Imperial. Per- 
sonally, I regard these anecdotes merely as harmless jokes at her own expense, be- 
cause I never once found her at a loss for the right word to suit the occasion, no matter 
whether it called for tact, energy, or picturesque effect. It was no good believing 
all she said about herself. She once told me she was a coward on a certain day when 
she showed extraordinary courage. 

6 



An Autobiographical Interest 

believed that his listener was charmed with his conversa- 
tion. The Empress was an ardent debater, and it seemed 
to me that she liked best those who contradicted her most 
boldly. Among these at Biarritz In 1867 I remember 
Admiral Jurien de la Graviere and Baron Corvisart. The 
others grumbled against them and accused them of "over- 
exciting the Empress," as if it were the greatest crime 
to make her talk! I soon became guilty of the same 
offense. The Empress knew that I was wholly devoted 
to her, although I never looked as If I were dying of love 
for her! My attitude pleased her and was the primary 
cause of the regard which she always showed me — a regard 
which suffered occasional eclipses, but which ever returned, 
and which has been the pride of my life. This regard 
earned for me very precious confidences. I noted these 
down at the time, almost in the Empress's own words, and 
I shall relate them in the order of the times at which 
they were made, and add such further details as I have 
gathered from unpublished letters which have been 
communicated to me or from the statements of entirely 
trustworthy eye-witnesses. 

I shall eliminate the innumerable second-hand anec- 
dotes, no matter how interesting they may be or from 
what "authentic" source they are supposed to emanate. 
The pages of this book will not, therefore, constitute a 
consecutive narrative, and they must not be looked upon 
in the smallest degree as a life of the Empress, but, on 
the other hand, they possess a kind of autobiographical 
interest, because the Empress speaks through me; and 
failing those recollections which we should have been so 
thrilled to read, and which she would never consent to 
write, there will be found some trace of her personal 
impressions in much which I have set down. 

7 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"I was born," said the Empress to me, "during an 
earthquake. . . . My mother's accouchement took place 
beneath a tent in our garden. What would the ancients 
have thought of such an omen ? Surely they would have 
said I was destined to unsettle the world." 

The Empress often spoke of her father and mother. 
She had a sort of religious veneration for her father's 
memory, and mentioned his eccentricities in the most 
tender and touching manner, even when she was obliged 
to smile at the recollection of them! All those who 
knew her intimately will remember that Count Cyprien 
de Montijo's miniature never left her possession, and 
from the first day of our exile I found it on her table, 
exactly as I had seen it so often at the Tuileries. Part 
of the Count's face was hidden by a black bandage which 
spoke of a glorious wound received in the service of 
France, and his fine pale features were not unlike those 
of his daughter. Eugenie was, body and soul, a true 
Montijo, but a little infusion of Flemish and Scotch blood 
endowed her with the common sense which was so appar- 
ent in her at certain times and which counterbalanced the 
heroic follies of her Spanish ancestry. 

The Empress's father assumed the title of Count of 
Montijo on the death of his eldest brother Eugenio, uncle 
and godfather to his child. These two men would be 
objects of general admiration were their record better 
known. Eugenio made a magnificent and despairing eifort 
to overthrow the infamous Manuel Godoi*, and as a recom- 
pense he received the insults of a dull and commonplace 
world which grovels in the mud before success : 

Sed quid 
Turba Remi ? Sequitur Fortunam, ut semper^ et odit 
Damnatos. . . . 

8 



Comtesse Montijo 



In 1845 M. Thiers begged Merimee to use his influence 
with Mme.de Montijo and ask her to give him some partic- 
ulars about her brother-in-law's character and adventures. 
This information he distorted with that cynical con- 
tempt for the truth which was characteristic of the man. 

The younger brother, Colonel Portocarrero, was a 
liberal-minded philosopher who loved France because to 
him she represented the hom^e of philosophy and liberty. 
But he also admired genius and glory, and for that reason 
he served France and Napoleon. It was he who, in 
1 8 14, at the head of the young pupils of the Ecole 
Polytechnique, fired the last shots on the advancing Allies 
from the cannons of Montmartre. He was thus a fit 
object of persecution for Ferdinand VII, and was treated 
by him accordingly. As for his wife, the Comtesse de 
Montijo, I never saw her. I knew her by an exquisite por- 
trait by Goya, by what the Empress told me, and above 
all by the unpublished letters of Merimee, which cover a 
period of thirty-one years with the exception of a few 
breaks and some slackening towards the end of the 
correspondence. The personality of the Comtesse de 
Montijo lives in these letters addrest to her by Merimee, 
which enlighten us as to her tastes, her occupations, her 
character, and her attitude towards her friends and her 
daughters. It is impossible to deny her rare and under- 
standing knowledge of literature, history and politics. I 
have already told in my book, Merimee et ses amis, how 
the Comtesse de Montijo assisted the famous writer in 
his philological and archeological researches, and even 
supplied him with plots for novels. "My mother," said 
the Empress to me, "wished to make everybody happy, 
but in her own way, not in theirs. . . ." 

The Comtesse de Montijo placed on a pinnacle all 

9 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

persons or things in which she took a personal interest — 
first and foremost her own daughters, whom she praised 
in their hearing in a somewhat disconcerting way. Even 
her stunted Httle trees at Carabanchel loomed larger in 
her eyes than the majestic chestnuts at the Tuileries! 
Her sublime optimism enabled her to succeed, and she 
triumphed over difficulties because she never acknowl- 
edged their existence. 

"Listen!" continued the Empress. "You know Les- 
seps, my mother's first cousin; well, he has exactly the 
same temperament. Both have achieved the impossible. 
When my mother knew she was going blind she made 
incredible efforts to hide her infirmity from strangers and 
from herself. She insisted on directing her own steps as 
well as those of others, she knocked over furniture, she 
hurt herself against walls which she could not see, she 
attempted to walk through closed doors! So great an 
effort did it cost her to acknowledge herself beaten — even 
by an infirmity." 

From the letters of Merimee and from what the Em- 
press has told me I am sure that the Comtesse de Montijo 
was a born match-maker. Matrimonial projects for 
her daughters were her first preoccupation: in her leisure 
hours she pulled wires for candidates to the Academie 
Fran^aise. She lived in a little world of her own peopled 
with friends, proteges, hangers-on, with whom she always 
kept in touch and of whose interests she never lost sight 
in the midst of her multiple activities. The Comtesse 
has been falsely suspected of many weaknesses; It would 
have been more accurate to have accused her of the sin of 
ambition. But her ambition was never unreasonable, 
and she more than justified it by her sterling qualities, 
rare in a woman, of constancy, energy and courage. As 

lO 



First Days in Paris 



"Camerara mayor," during the years 1847 and 1848, she 
acted, in a certain sense, as a member of the Narvaez 
Cabinet, and her influence was so great that it aroused the 
jealousy of the Prime Minister. When, against the advice 
of her elder daughter, and almost without the knowledge 
of the one most intimately concerned, she played the bold 
hand which won for Eugenie de Guzman^ the title of Em- 
press of the French, she doubtless dreamed of wielding a 
great political influence in France. She was cruelly disillu- 
sioned, but it is only just to admit that this influence, had 
it existed, would have been both intelligent and liberal. 

Days of greatness were as yet far distant when the 
exiled Montijos first came to Paris and took up their 
abode in very modest lodgings. "We were not well off," 
said the Empress to me, "and my father was quite right 
when he said that he wished us to become accustomed 
early to the poverty which he believed would be our lot 
in life. But he carried things rather too far when he made 
us wear linen gowns in all weathers and in all seasons, 
and when he would not allow my mother to buy us um- 
brellas or even to take us with her in a carriage." 

The education of the two little girls was somewhat 
neglected, but they spent some time at the Sacre-Coeur, 
one of the best convents in Paris. They also took lessons 
in music and painting, but the progress made by the 
Empress in these accomplishments is not to be judged 
from the following story she used to tell against herself. 

One day a friend called to see them and exclaimed: 
"Well, it's quite plain to see that you are living in fur- 
nished rooms!" 

"How is that?" 

^ The full maiden name (in Spanish) of the Empress was: Eugenia Guzman y Palafox 
y Portocarrero; de Montijo and de Teba were the family titles (Translator's Note). 

II 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenic 

"Well, look at those horrible daubs on the walls. . . . 
They stamp the place!" 

"And they were my watercolors ! " said the Empress 
in pitiful tones. 

But if this story is true the visitor was no judge. I 
have seen several watercolors by the Empress which 
were charming in conception and color, and very fine and 
soft in tone. 

The Empress asserted that she could not sing a note, 
but nevertheless she loved music. French light opera 
was, however, little to her taste. "Just as one is getting 
interested in what they are saying they start singing," she 
used to say, "and when one is interested in their singing 
they start talking." Nor did she care for some of the 
Italian operas, being little moved by florid flights or vocal 
arpeggios of song, but she was sensitive to the quality 
of sound, sentiment and style, and I have seen her moved 
to tears by songs which touched some sympathetic chord 
in her soul. 

Notwithstanding her precarious fortunes, the Comtesse 
de Montijo moved in the best Parisian society. At this 
time she knew the Castellanes and the Delesserts, and 
Cecile Delessert, the daughter of M. Gabriel Delessert, 
became the intimate friend of Eugenie de Montijo. After 
her marriage with the Comte de Nadaillac, who was an 
avowed enemy of the dynasty, this friendship did not 
cease, and, although the Comtesse de Nadaillac did not 
appear at official receptions, she made frequent visits to 
the Tuileries, and was invited in 1869 to accompany the 
Empress to the opening of the Suez Canal. Edouard De- 
lessert was often a guest at the Tuileries and at Compiegne, 
and it was hinted that he had once entertained towards his 
sister's former playmate a feeling warmer than friendship. 

12 



Stendhal 

Madame de Montijo also moved in artistic and literary 
circles. Merimee, whom her husband had introduced to 
her in Spain, on the occasion of the first journey made 
by the author of " Clara Gazul" across the Pyrenees, was 
her greatest literary friend, and he introduced her to 
many of his acquaintances, amongst others Stendhal, 
whom the two children knew as "Monsieur Beyle," by 
which name the Empress called him to the end. 

"He used to come to our rooms in the evening," said 
the Empress, "and, taking us both on his knees, he would 
tell us about the campaigns of Napoleon. His visits were 
red-letter days, and we could hardly be persuaded to go 
to bed." 

I do not believe the Empress ever read a line Stendhal 
wrote, but after sixty years she still preserved her first 
ideal of him. To her he was always a dear old man who 
adored little girls and who was a wonderful talker. And 
this tarnisher of souls first awakened heroic instincts 
within her; this pitiless realist inoculated her with the 
worship of greatness and the sense of the wonderful in 
history ! 

About this time she also indulged in a sort of "her- 
oine" worship for Mademoiselle Rachel. The great 
tragedienne, who was then making her first appearances, 
often visited the Comtesse de Montijo and gave her 
tickets for the theater. 

"Rachel used to say she wanted us to be quite near 
to her," said Eugenie, "and so we always sat in the nearer 
left-hand box of the lower tier (reserved under the Empire 
for the Superintendent of Fine Arts). Our emotion, our 
enthusiasm, our tears, inspired her, and she read in our 
dilated eyes the gradual crescendo of her tragic power." 
At that time Rachel seemed to Eugenie de Montijo as a 

13 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

being placed beyond the follies and weaknesses of hu- 
manity. Years after the Emperor enlightened her as 
to another side of her heroine's character.^ 

She never swerved in her belief in Rachel's genius, 
and one April evening in 1885, at Farnborough, she 
recited Phedre's great speech, beginning with the words: 
"Oui, prince, je languis, je brtile pour Thesee!" and in- 
vested the declamation with all her undying memories of 
the great artist. 

It was after dinner; the men were in the billiard-room 
and three ladies were sitting with the Empress. My wife 
was one of them, and she told me how imprest she was 
by the forceful way in which the Empress rendered 
Phedre's passionate words. 

I must return to these bygone days of childhood and 
girlhood, when the little girl who was to be known as the 
Empress Eugenie appears in two widely different anec- 
dotes. Eugenie de Teba was only two years old when 
Merimee was first introduced to the Comtesse de Mon- 
tijo. Some years later a friend met him in the Rue de 
la Paix, holding the hand of a charming little girl of five 
or six. Struck by the grace and prettiness of the child, 
Merimee's friend asked who she was. "Oh! it's a little 
Spaniard," said Merimee. "She is the daughter of one 

1 1 have seen an interesting letter from Prince Louis Napoleon to M. Vieillard, 
in which he introduces Mademoiselle Rachel, and begs him to act as guide to an 
inexperienced young girl threatened with many dangers, and beset by innumer- 
able temptations. At the time this letter was written Rachel was his mistress. I 
have been told this as a fact by the Empress herself, who related the following anec- 
dote a propos of the liaison. Rachel once went on tour through the North of Eng- 
land and Prince Louis accompanied her. As a sort of "third" the young Prince 
Napoleon Jerome traveled in the compartment with them. Prince Louis dropped 
off to sleep, but happening to wake, he saw his cousin and his mistress engaged in 
ardent love-making. The Prince closed his eyes, said nothing, and peacefully con- 
tinued his journey, but the next day he took the train back to London. The Em- 
press added, smiling, "Now, wasn't that exactly like him?" — "Like both of them," 
I commented. 

14 



Death of Count de Montijo 

of my friends . . . and I am taking her to have a feast 
of cakes." ^ 

Another day, some years later, when Eugenie was 
walking on the Boulevard with her sister, they noticed a 
pauper funeral on its way to Pere Lachaise. Not a single 
person followed the corpse, not even the traditional dog 
who, in the well-known picture, alone mourns his master. 
The sight of this lonely funeral aroused feelings of sorrow 
in the hearts of the two young girls. "Let us follow it," 
they said; and they walked behind the hearse and stood 
beside the last resting-place of the unknown dead. The 
Empress Eugenie never forgot this melancholy funeral, the 
corpse interred without a blessing or a tear, and from this 
memory originated the foundation of the "Aumoniers des 
dernieres prieres," whose duties fulfilled the wish of the 
Empress that religion should always be represented at 
funerals where family and friends were non-existent. 

A new reign, which broke away from the traditions of 
Ferdinand VII, reopened the doors of Spain to the exiles 
and restored their worldly possessions. But the Count 
was at first the only member of the family to benefit by 
this new order of things, and it was only aftfer his death 
in 1839 that the mother and daughters recrossed the 
Pyrenees. Then a different life began for them. If I 
am not mistaken, I think it was at this time that their 
English governess, Miss Flowers, was with them, and her 
name was frequently mentioned by the Empress in 
a half-smiling, half-remorseful manner. "Poor Miss 
Flowers," she said; and one guessed what a series of 
shocks these impetuous girls must have given an old 
maid brought up on lines favored by Miss Edgeworth 
and Jane Austen. England was then a mixture of senti- 

^ Preface by Louis Fagan. "Letters from Merimee to Panizzi." 
15 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

mentality and prudishness, and it had not begun to take 
the interest in sport or flirtation it afterwards displayed. 
Miss Flowers taught her pupils English, and succeeded 
fairly well. The Empress pronounced English words 
correctly, but her vocabulary was limited, and in con- 
sequence she rather shrank from speaking this language. 
As for her mother tongue, her long stay in France did 
not appear to have made any difference to her knowledge 
of Spanish. I have been told by men of high breeding 
and intellectual culture that the Empress spoke the purest 
Castilian, and that her enunciation was of a classical 
dignity and clearness. As a matter of fact, when she 
talked to her former compatriots a stranger would have 
noticed the difference between the usual hurried little 
"explosions" which characterize ordinary Spanish con- 
versation and the pure and sustained way in which the 
Empress exprest herself. 

Even before recrossing the Pyrenees, Eugenie had 
written to Merimee; the gaiety of Madrid was powerless 
to make either herself or her sister forget the friends 
they had left behind, as is shown by the two following 
letters, both addrest to Beyle. 

The original letters belong to a well-known collector 
who recently communicated their contents to the Press. 
The first is dated December, 1839. 

"Monsieur, — I have received your letter with great 

pleasure. I await impatiently the year 1840, when you 

say we may hope to see you again. I am learning to paint 

in oils, and I am laughing and working just as I did in 

the past. Mama finds time to give us some lessons, 

and we are trying not to forget what we learnt in Paris. 

"At the present moment Spain is in a very unsettled 

16 



Letters of Girlhood's Days 



state. Everyone is crying out for peace, and Maroto, the 
Carlist general, has gone over to Cristino's party for 
quite a large bribe, which is not pretty; and all the other 
minor officers have followed his example. Navarre, 
Alava, Guipuzcoa and Biscaye have declared for the 
legitimate Queen. It is said that Don Carlos and the 
Duchess of Bura have gone to France; Cabrera is making 
for Jaramon, and twenty mounted men have gone to 
report the enemy's movements. At Madrid there have 
been great fetes in honor of the Peace Proclamation, but 
peace has been proclaimed so often that nobody believes 
in it though everybody wants it. Mama, my sister and 
Miss Flowers present their compliments to you, and I am, 
sir, — ^Your devoted and affectionate friend, 

"E. Guzman y Palafox." 

The second letter is dated December, 1840, and, al- 
though it is signed by the elder girl, it seems to me to 
express the feelings of both sisters. 

"Madrid, December, 1840. 
"My dear Sir. — It is a long time since I have had 
the pleasure of writing to you, but I have been prevented 
from doing so on account of a journey we have made to 
Toledo, where we saw some really magnificent things. 
Really, sir, you must make up your mind to come to 
Spain. Try to come at the present time when the Queen 
is at Barcelona and at Valence, and from there you will 
only have to travel by diligence for three days to reach 
Madrid and make your little friends happy. We can have 
our happy talks once again. Here our only amusements 
are to go out after dinner to a house in the country, where 
we run about like really happy girls. We have no friends, 

17 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 



as the girls in Madrid are so stupid and they only talk 
about dress, although sometimes, for a change, they say 
horrible things about each other. I do not like those kinds 
of friends. And when I pay a call I fidget all the time, and 
only speak when I say good-by. You ought to be very 
happy to think that the ashes of Napoleon are to be 
brought back to France. I am, too, and I should like to be 
in Paris for the ceremony. You will certainly have to go 
to Paris, but before doing so come here and we will travel 
back together. 

"Adieu, my dear sir, and believe in the friendship of 
your affectionate 

"Paca Portocarrero y p." 

The country house mentioned in the above letter was 
Carabanchel, and the Empress could never mention the 
name, even in the years of sadness, without a smile lighting 
her face like a ray of youth. Carabanchel was built as a 
whim of the famous Minister Cabarrus, who, by some 
chance of Fate, was the father of Mme. Tallien and the 
great-uncle of the Empress Eugenie. He had built a 
residence and laid out a park in a spot which an ungrateful 
and refractory Nature had refused to adorn in any way. 
She seemed to have been conquered, but she never def- 
initely acknowledged her defeat. Besides, what did it 
matter? The attractions of Carabanchel in those happy 
days consisted chiefly in those who lived there and who 
idealized it with their charm and adorned it with their 
beauty. Love was in the very air. Merimee used to say 
that he heard love-sighs in every corner. 

Dancing took place at Carabanchel. The inmates 
acted comedies, they sang grand opera — nothing daunted 
Madame de Montijol I asked the Empress what part she 

i8 



Carabanchel 



took in these entertainments, but I could only get her to 
tell me one story of Carabanchel, and, as usual, it was 
against herself. 

"As I could neither sing nor play," she said, "I was 
told to walk on In Norma, carrying the little child whose 
presence Is necessary in the scene. I entered with the 
baby, who at once commenced to cry loudly, probably 
because I was so nervous that I did not notice that I was 
holding it head downwards. I hurriedly put the baby on 
a chair and rushed off the stage. I was never asked to 
do anything again. So now you know all about my career 
as an actress!" * 

It Is easy to see from the letter to Stendhal (Beyle) 
how the memories of Napoleon survived in the imagina- 
tion of the two girls, and an Incident In their life now 
added fresh interest to this feeling, and transformed what 
had been a cult of memories into a romantic reality. It 
Is now that the name and the personality of Prince Louis- 
Napoleon, crowned with a halo of suffering and perse- 
cution, comes into the life of Eugenie, and at this period 
the romance of Louis-Napoleon and Eugenie de Guzman 
first begins. 

I shall relate the story exactly as the Empress told it 
to me at Camden Place in the summer of 1873, some 
months after the death of the Emperor; I wrote down 
her account, as nearly as possible in her own words, 
directly I had gained the sanctuary of my own room. 

^ The Empress commanded a performance of Les Portraits de la Marquise at the 
Tuileries. The remembrance of the rehearsals always afforded her the greatest en- 
joyment, especially when Octave Feuillet, the author of this " bluette," talked theatri- 
cal slang to the actors, and told the jeune premier not to "sit on her." He also said 
to him, "Why, you're snuffling through your nose i^asonner); why on earth are you 
snuffling like that?" 



19 



CHAPTER II 

THE ROMANCE OF LOUIS-NAPOLEON AND EUGENIE 
DE GUZMAN— AFTER THE MARRIAGE 

I WILL let the Empress relate her own story: 
"We often used, to take the waters at various 
health resorts in the Pyrenees," said she, "and we had 
many friends and acquaintances in that part of France. 
When we were staying at Pau we saw a great deal of the 
Marquise de Castelbajac, mother of the Marquis,^ with 
whom you are acquainted, and one evening at the Mar- 
quise's an artiste named Madame Gordon sang to us. 
We knew nothing about Madame Gordon beyond the fact 
that she had taken souie part in the Strasburg conspiracy 
three or four years previously, but this was quite enough 
to excite our keen interest. She spoke incessantly of 'her 
prince' whom she was soon about to visit at Ham, 
and I simply drank in her words. I leave you to 
imagine my feelings ! A conspirator — a prisoner — a prince 
— a Napoleon! All the necessary elements of romance 
were at hand. I dreamed of making a pilgrimage to the 
prison. Carried away by my enthusiasm, my mother 
allowed herself to become a convert to this scheme, and 
it was arranged that we should accompany Madame 
Gordon on her forthcoming visit to Prince Louis. But 
just then a revolution took place — which one I cannot 
remember: there have been so many in Spain! We were 

^The Marquis de Castelbajac, Equerry to the Emperor until 1870. He was one 
of the most handsome men I have known. His respectful loyalty towards his sov- 
ereigns never wavered. 

20 



First Meeting with Prince Louis 

obliged to return to Madrid, and our plans to accompany 
Madame Gordon came to nothing.^ 

"On her return from Ham, Madame Gordon came to 
see us in Madrid, and everything she told us about the 
Prince stirred my sympathies. You must remember that 
the soil had been well prepared by my father's recollec- 
tions and by M. Beyle's tales of the great Emperor. 

"The Napoleonic religion was in my blood, and I 
would have felt it an easy matter to lay down my life for 
the heir to such a name. 

"After the revolution of February, when the Prince 
was elected President, we were presented to him at the 
Elysee by Bacciochi, a friend of my mother's. My first 
words to him were, ' Monseigneur, we have often spoken 
about you to a lady who is absolutely devoted to your 
interests.' 

"*And pray what is her name.'*' 

"'Madame Gordon.' 

"The Prince looked at me rather strangely. He knew, 
although I did not, what role Madame Gordon had 
played before she was accepted by the most exclusive set 
in society as a great artiste! She had been the mistress 
of Colonel Vaudrey at the time of the Strasburg con- 
spiracy, and it was even asserted that she had had rela- 
tions with the Prince.^ But this is absolutely untrue. 

"Some time after this my mother and I were invited 

1 It is well known that Madame Gordon did not exaggerate her relations with 
the Prince and the principal members of the Bonapartist party. She was instru- 
mental in bringing Louis-Napoleon and Louis Blanc together, and they afterwards 
exchanged letters and visits. Louis Blanc, in his "History of the Revolution of 1848," 
which is hardly history, but rather an autobiography and an apologia, relates how, 
on one of his visits to Ham, the Prince, after taking leave of him, called from the 
top of the staircase, " Kiss Mrs. Gordon for me." 

2 The Prince denied this report in the postscript of an unpublished letter which 
I have seen. 

21 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

to dine at Saint Cloud. When we arrived at the palace 
we found carriages waiting to take us to Combleval, a 
little house in the park, halfway between Saint Cloud 
and Villeneuve. We were in full evening toilets, as we 
expected to meet numerous other guests. Imagine our 
surprize when we only found the Prince-president and 
Bacciochi! 

"When we rose from dinner the Prince gave me his 
arm and proposed a * walk in the park.' It was in summer- 
time, when the days were near their longest. Bacciochi 
approached my mother and offered himself as her escort. 
But I was before him, and I said to the Prince, 'Mon- 
seigneur, . . . my mother is here,' and I stepped aside 
to let him see that the honor of accepting his arm was 
her due. The Prince offered his arm to my mother with- 
out saying another word, and I took that of Bacciochi." 
At the memory of this incident the Empress smiled mis- 
chievously. "I don't think he enjoyed that evening," she 
said; and continuing: "My sister scolded us severely the 
day after this adventure, and it was deemed advisable for 
us to go away and let the memory of our imprudence be 
forgotton as quickly as possible; so, if I remember rightly, 
we went for a trip to the Rhine country. 

"Two years passed. On December 2, 185 1, when the 
issue of the struggle then raging seemed doubtful, I 
wrote to Bacciochi and told him that in the event of failure 
I wished to place all I had in the world at the Prince's 
disposal. Bacciochi kept this letter in his pocket and 
showed it to the Prince when all danger was over. It was 
thus that our relations were reestablished on a different 
footing. The Prince now understood us much better, and 
the memory of poor Madame Gordon no longer com- 
promised us. 

22 



At Fontainebleau 



"In 185 1 we were invited to the great hunting parties 
at Fontainebleau. I was first at the death, and I received 
the stag's foot from the Prince himself. General Fleury — 
then Major Fleury — told me that etiquet demanded, 
as I had the stag's foot, I should enter the chateau with 
the Prince. I thought this was a simple old custom, 
of no more importance than the honors paid to a "^Twelfth 
Night Queen,' but I was mistaken; and this triumphal 
entry was the beginning of a long series of petty calumnies 
and jealousies. It was at Compiegne that the Prince 
first spoke to me of love, but I treated it lightly — almost 
as a joke. 

"On New Year's Day, 1852, the Empire had been in 
existence for exactly three weeks. My mother and I went 
to the first official reception, and we curtsied low to the 
new Emperor. Everyone was looking at me. At the ball 
that night, or the next night, ^ I met Madame Fortoul just 
as we were going in to supper. Madame Fortoul insulted 
me publicly, saying in a loud voice that she wondered I 
dared presume to enter a room before her. I became 
very pale, but I drew back, saying as I did so, Tass, 
Madame.' 

"A number of small supper tables had been arranged 
in the Salle des Marechaux. I had been commanded to 
sit at the Imperial table, and my distress did not escape 
the Emperor's notice. He rose and came to my chair. 
Standing behind me, he bent down and spoke to me. 

" 'What is the matter? " he said. 

"*0h. Sire — I beg you — do not ask me now — every- 
one is watching us,' I replied. 

"After supper the Emperor insisted on knowing the 

* I reproduce this typical uncertainty about dates. 
23 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

cause of the trouble. 'I will know the truth. What has 
happened to you ? ' he demanded. 

" ' Sire, I have been insulted to-night, but I shall not 
be insulted a second time,' I answered. 

"'To-morrow,' said the Emperor, * nobody will dare 
insult you.' 

"No sooner did we reach home than we made plans for 
our departure. We decided to go to Italy, but on the 
morrow my mother received a formal proposal of mar- 
riage for me from the Emperor; and before the end of 
this same month of January," concluded the Empress, 
"we were married at Notre Dame." 

Madame de Montijo had been responsible for the 
whole matrimonial campaign, and had played her great 
game with a boldness which the rest of the family had 
stigmatized as dangerous, and indeed was so In the high- 
est degree. She triumphed for the moment, but some 
months afterwards she left Paris suddenly with her con- 
fidant and friend Merimee, who, I believe, traveled with 
her as far as Tours, and heard the full story of her griev- 
ances. Her son-in-law had made it absolutely clear 
to her that if she remained in France she would be treated 
merely as a distinguished foreigner. I have found traces 
of her disappointment in the correspondence between 
Merimee and Madame de Montijo, as all her letters 
written to him at this time are full of epigrammatical 
remarks about the Emperor, whom she calls "Monsieur 
Isidore." 

As to the Empress, I greatly doubt if she contributed 
in any way to the realization of her exalted state. She 
let herself be guided by circumstances, and I think she 
lived in a kind of fairy tale, fascinated more by the 

24 



Married Life 



strangeness of her destiny than by any vulgar ambition. 
She detested politics from the first moment that she under- 
stood them, and she not only disliked power but she had 
no desire for luxury. I once heard her say to a young 
girl brought up in wealthy surroundings, who contem- 
plated marrying a poor man, "You are far less suited to 
be a poor man's wife than I was at your age." I am sure 
that this statement was true. I have never heard the 
Empress utter a falsehood. 

For many years/ the intimacy between the Emperor 
and the Empress ought to have been as close and tender 
as it should be when a man and woman marry for love. 
Was it indeed love, and was it reciprocal.'* Nearly twenty 
years separated them, and such a gulf is not easily bridged 
even by those women who seem especially designed by 
nature to love men much older than themselves. I 
do not believe that the Empress was one of these women. 
Her feeling for the Emperor was probably less than 
passionate affection, but deeper than friendship, and grew 
steadily in intensity until the fatal day when she discov- 
ered her husband's unfaithfulness. 

Prince Louis-Napoleon had known love many times 
in his life before he met Eugenie de Guzman, and he 
still preserved, at the age of fifty, some of those qualities 
which endear men to women, particularly that quiet, 
sympathetic manner and an almost feminine sweetness of 
gesture and speech which constitute so great a charm in 
a strong man. A keen but kindly observer, he understood 
woman, and loved her in her varying moods of impatience, 
nerves and weakness, which to him were added graces. 

^ The Empress was always quite willing to talk about the period preceding her 
marriage, but she never mentioned to me the years that followed, nor was it to be 
expected that she would. 

25 



Recollections of the Empress Eug6nie 

The Empress easily discovered the existence of this 
rather weak kindness of heart, but it was not this rather 
doubtful quality which retained her affection. What en- 
deared the Emperor to her was her unfailing belief that 
he invariably acted honestly. This honesty, this essential 
unity of outlook and thought, was in her opinion the key 
to a character which many have considered a moral 
enigma. In one of our last conversations, when we were 
discussing a book on Napoleon III which was about to be 
written by a celebrated historian, she insisted upon this 
very point. "Tell him that if he does not admit that sin- 
cerity was the Emperor's greatest virtue he will have failed 
to understand him." And it must be clearly understood 
that sincerity was, in the eyes of the Empress, the first of 
all the virtues, without which the others could not exist. 

She always maintained towards the Emperor an atti- 
tude of respect. In spite of his habit of calling her 
"Eugenie" and addressing her as "tu," I never heard 
the Empress use the familiar "tu" or call the Emperor 
"Louis." We know, however, that she did use this mode 
of address when they were alone together and in their 
private correspondence; this has been revealed by the 
letters written by her from Egypt and published after 
1 87 1 by the Commission which dealt with the papers 
found at the Tuileries. 

One day, and one day only, she omitted to show the 
Emperor that marked respect from which she never 
deviated, and I find that I have written down the par- 
ticulars of this strange scene in my diary exactly as it 
took place less than four months after my admission into 
the household. 

In November, 1867, widespread anxiety prevailed on 
the day of the opening of Parliament. One word from 

26 



Indisposition of Prince Imperial 

the Emperor on this fateful occasion would alarm the 
public as to the possibility of war, or reassure it as to the 
certainty of peace. 

It was absolutely necessary that the Prince Imperial 
should be present at this ceremony in order to silence 
the malicious gossip which represented him as being a 
cripple or a hopeless invalid since his recent illness. What 
would happen to France if this only hope of the dynasty 
were lost? Most assuredly his absence on that day 
would have brought about a collapse on the Bourse. 
The Emperor's speech, the public appearance of the 
Prince, constituted the two chief interests of the day. 
The great square of the Carrousel was black with spec- 
tators, and all the most important public bodies were 
already waiting in the Salle des Etats. At this moment 
on the ground floor of the Tuileries, In the low-ceilinged 
and overheated suite sacred to the Emperor and looking 
out on the gardens, six persons were gathered, of whom 
several were speaking at the same time in a heated tone. 
These persons were the Emperor, the Empress, the Prince 
Imperial, his tutor. Miss Shaw (his English nurse) and 
Baron Corvlsart. 

The Prince, who was drest for the occasion in a 
black velvet suit, red silk stockings and the Grand Order 
of the Legion d'Honneur, had been suddenly taken ill 
during luncheon and had abruptly left the room, followed 
by myself, and Miss Shaw had presently joined us both 
in the Emperor's study. There he lay. In a fainting 
condition and deadly pale, in the arms of the Empress, 
who, like the Emperor, was wearing full State robes, and 
Corvisart, who had been summoned in haste, had just 
arrived. The shock and consternation were great. What 
could have caused this sudden indisposition? Miss Shaw, 

27 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

who completely lost her head, told the Emperor that the 
previous evening the little Prince had received a violent 
blow from one of his playfellows. "It is the fault of 
M. Corvisart; he will excite them," she said. 

"Is this true.?" said the Empress to me. 

"I was not there," I replied. (I had received per- 
mission to consider ever}^ Sunday at my own disposal.) 
"But I have always noticed that the Prince's playfellows 
show thought and care beyond their years when they are 
fighting their mimic battles. The Prince is suffering from 
nothing more or less than a bilious attack." 

The Emperor had not heard my words. He was up- 
braiding Corvisart most severely. I have never seen 
him in a temper except on that day. 

"You are stupid," exclaimed the Empress. "You 
must make sure of the facts before getting angry. Miss 
Shaw is talking nonsense." 

At that moment, as if to prove the truth of my diag- 
nosis, the Prince became violently sick; and although 
the patient was heir to a throne, and although the porce- 
lain basin was held by the Empress and was ornamented 
with crowned golden eagles, the process was the same 
in a palace as in a hospital, lacking none of the usual 
unpleasant and painful details. But to our great relief 
the child, who now seemed completely recovered, said 
he was quite able to go with his parents, and we all set 
to work with a will to wipe his face, brush his clothes, 
and repair the general disorder of his array. I then 
placed the Prince in a roller chair and pushed him across 
the unfinished rooms of the Tuileries, then along the great 
"galerie du bord de I'eau," until we reached the entrance 
to the Salle des Etats. I remained in the galerie com- 
pletely hidden by an immense curtain which hung behind 

28 



Husband and Wife 



the throne, and from my coign of vantage I heard the 
voice of the Emperor. His calm, clear and strong accents 
rose and fell in 'such a deep and religious hush that I 
could have easily imagined that the Emperor was speaking 
in an empty room. Yet all Europe was listening! Could 
this be the same man to whom, barely a quarter of an 
hour ago, a woman had said, "You are stupid!" 

This tragi-comedy which I have exhumed after so 
many years will perhaps amuse those who like to see the 
rulers of this world in somewhat ridiculous attitudes and 
to convince themselves that the great can sometimes be 
small. It is this sort of pleasure that one looks for in the 
pages of the Due de Saint-Simon. But my readers will 
be wrong if they imagine that this story throws a new 
light upon the relations which existed between husband 
and wife. I repeat most emphatically that this was the 
only time that I saw the Empress depart from her habitual 
deference to the Emperor. 

She often addrest him in the third person, as was 
our custom, and cherished in her heart the same unvarying 
respect for his intelligence and character. The unhappy 
Prince Charming who had fired Eugenie's youthful 
imagination as the hero of her early romance had long 
since disappeared, but in his place she saw a great and 
honest man who wanted to do good and who pursued this 
aim — sometimes by a roundabout path when the straight 
road was not possible. Under a mask of indifference 
Napoleon III suffered greatly from the thousand calum- 
nies which assailed him, and the Empress realized that her 
duty was to sustain him, encourage him, and bind up 
those hidden wounds which bled for her alone. Never 
woman accepted a mission with more magnanimous 
resolution or more indefatigable energy. 

29 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

His affection for her had also undergone a change. 
In the early days he had loved and desired her passion- 
ately for her eyes, her smile, her exquisite grace, for the 
indescribable fascination which radiated from her and 
made her as one apart, but when this passion and desire 
were satisfied he was ever discovering in her soul unsus- 
pected depths of moral beauty. Each day he respected 
and admired her more and more, until at last, without ac- 
knowledging it to her, or even perhaps to himself, he came 
to regard her as his second conscience; and — may I say 
without oifense to a venerated memory — the Emperor's 
second conscience was often better and more reliable than 
his first. But why conjectures and guesses ? In confirma- 
tion of my statement it will suffice to read the Emperor's 
pen portrait of the Empress which appeared in the Dix- 
Decemhre:^ 

"The Comtesse de Teba has not disappeared in the 
splendor of the Crown of France. The Empress still 
remains a woman of simple and natural tastes. After her 
visit to those stricken with cholera at Amiens the chorus 
of approval which came from every quarter in praise of 
her courageous initiative caused her nothing but surprize 
and was at last supremely distasteful to her.^ The lot 
of the suffering community always excites her sympathy, 
and she loves to occupy herself with all kinds of social 

^ The article appeared in the first number of this paper (November 15, 1868) under 
the following signature: "For the Editor of the Dix-Decembre. A. Grenier." But 
everyone knew who was the actual writer. 

* The Empress once said to my wife at Farnborough, "I really did nothing wonder- 
ful when I went to see those suffering with cholera at Amiens. / knew that I should 
never be attacked by cholera. But I was dreadfully frightened when I went to the 
house of M. de Girardin, whose little girl was dying of diphtheria, and I got no thanks 
for my action, which passed entirely unnoticed. It was looked upon solely as an 
attempt to win over a political enemy. Yet it cost me a big effort." 

30 



The Empress described by the Emperor 

work. We know what an active part she has taken in the 
reorganization of children's reformatories, in rescue work, 
and in the methods of charity institutions. To her is 
due the foundation of the ' Societe des prets de I'enf ance 
au travail.' How many generous reforms she still pursues 
with marvelous perseverance! One still recognizes a 
little of the 'juene phalansterienne' ^ in her. The welfare 
of women is one of her special objects; she aims at im- 
proving their condition and has obtained for Rosa Bon- 
heur 2 the public recognition of a decoration. 

"Twice, once during the war with Italy, and once when 
the Emperor visited Algiers, she has acted as Regent. 
We know what moderation, what political tact, and what 
sense of justice she then displayed. 

"During her leisure hours the Empress engages in 
serious reading. No economic or financial question is 
beyond her, and it is charming to listen to her discussing 
these recondite problems with experts. Literature, history 
and art are common topics of conversation with her, and 
the Empress's tea-parties are one of the greatest delights 
of Compiegne. On these occasions she handles with equal 
ease the most homely subjects and the loftiest themes; 
the novelty of her outlook, the daring, almost the temer- 
ity, of her views, alike Impress and enthral her listeners. 
Although her mode of expression is occasionally faulty, 
it is full of color and vivacity; she displays wonderful 
precision when she talks on business matters, and she 
rises to real heights of eloquence on those subjects which 
touch moral and political questions. 

^ This was the nickname given to the Empress by her friends in Madrid, when 
they saw her deep in the writings of Fourier, and heard her express the most ad- 
vanced ideas on social and poUtical questions. 

* The well-known painter (Translator's Note). 

31 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"Religious without bigotry, learned without pedantry, 
she talks very freely on every topic. Perhaps she is a 
little too fond of argument. Possessing an impulsive 
temperament, she sometimes lets her tongue run away 
with her, and thereby she has more than once made 
enemies ; but even her exaggerations spring from her wish 
to do good." 

Why could not the Emperor have remained faithful 
to a woman so greatly admired and so much beloved? 
Why did he outrage her feelings for many years, not 
only by his sensual caprices, which knew no morrow, but 
by his more lasting liaisons with certain women who 
openly boasted that they not only swayed his senses but 
also owned his heart and influenced his mind ? How can 
one reconcile these infidelities with the ever-increasing 
moral influence of the Empress ? Many people have asked 
the same question. 

One day the Empress asked herself this very question 
in my presence — put it to me, practically, in the course 
of the most soul-stirring interview I ever had with her. 

This conversation took place rather late in the lives 
of both of us. It is easy to understand that she never 
cared to mention this subject to me when I was younger, 
and only exceptional circumstances now made her do so. 
Of course I had heard any amount of gossip about the 
scenes which took place in the Imperial menage when 
the Empress was first made aware of her husband's 
unfaithfulness. But as I do not wish to alter my decision 
only to relate what the Empress actually said, and to 
set down my own personal recollections of her, I will not 
repeat any of these stories in which the false mixes with 
the true to such an extent that it is almost impossible to 
distinguish one from the other. 

32 



An Incident at Farnborough 

Several years ago one of my friends wrote a book on 
the character, personality and habits of Napoleon III. 
This work possest all the qualities which make for 
success, as the writer had known the Emperor well during 
the last years of his life, while the Empress, who liked my 
friend both as a man and a writer, had assisted him in 
every possible way. 

It was impossible for my friend to appear ignorant of 
his late sovereign's illicit amours, and he felt that he had 
to make some reference to them. Fearing to wound the 
Empress, however, he wished to make sure, before the 
publication of the book, that his words had not exceeded 
the limits of propriety, and he entrusted me with the 
excessively delicate mission of sounding her on the subject. 
I accepted somewhat rashly this thankless task, and from 
it originated the conversation which I am now about to 
record. 

It took place at Farnborough, in the Empress's boudoir. 
She was sitting on a couch in front of one of the large 
windows which normally flood this room with light, 
but that day its blinds were lowered almost to the edge 
of the carpet. 

The Empress seemed agitated, nervous, and, to be 
plain, somewhat shocked at my request, and I could not 
help feeling that she was right to resent it. She talked at 
first in a rather disconnected manner, breaking off in the 
middle of her sentences and leaving them unfinished, a 
sure sign that she was distrest. My friend had relied on 
the statements of a lady whom the Empress had once 
honored with her friendship, and who was supposed to 
have been the recipient of her heart-to-heart confidences. 

"She knows nothing," said the Empress. "She has 
simply quoted from the newspapers of the time. I never 

33 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

told her anything intimate." Then, looking at my friend's 
book, she ridiculed the idea that the Emperor, when well 
over fifty, could not have resisted the sensual temptations 
with which he was surrounded. "Nonsense — nonsense; 
nobody will ever believe such a thing!" 

Her irritation first exhausted itself in bitterness. Then 
she passed into a kind of reverie, and bending her head, 
she seemed to be studying the flowers woven in the pat- 
tern of the carpet. She repeated sadly: "But — why? — 
why?" 

Abruptly she turned towards me. "Do you under- 
stand why?" 

My feelings at being asked such a question unexpect- 
edly can well be imagined. I stammered something 
foolish about the animalism which exists in man and 
which sometimes exacts its toll even from higher natures. 

The Empress shook her head. She had not seriously 
considered these passing sensualities; these were not the 
actions which had caused her the greatest mortification. 

"No," she answered. "I think that when a man 
breaks away and seeks other women he is impelled by 
boredom and curiosity — boredom with that which is 
identified with his own personality, and curiosity to know 
a fresh mind or fresh moods. Listen! The Princess" 
(she always spoke of Princess Beatrice as "the Princess") 
"once told me something which was very true. 'My 
mother,' said the Princess, * finds me less entertaining 
than my sisters. The reason is obvious: they bring her 
news and impressions from outside. But what can I do? 
All my ideas and impressions have been either derived 
from, or shared with, my mother.' Very well," said the 
Empress, "what holds good of mother and daughter 
must also hold good of husband and wife. It's the same- 

34 



A Crisis 

nessy that fatal sameness ^ — in fact what we call monotony. 
One gets so used to acting and speaking and thinking 
together that at last neither interests the other. So . . . 



man roams 



f" 



"But only for a time," I answered. "He eventually 
returns, brought back by sorrow or trials to the only one 
who has really understood him and loved him." I re- 
minded the Empress of that article in the Dix-Decembre, 
of which I have given extracts; I reminded her of what 
she herself had told me: how Napoleon III carried one 
of her letters next to his heart as a talisman,^ and I added, 
"The Emperor never for an instant ceased to love your 
Majesty." 

And she answered, quite simply, "Yes, I believe that." 

Our conversation closed on that, which was indeed her 
final word touching that great crisis of her life. But her 
love for the Emperor was destined to experience another 
short but terrible trial. One word explains it — Sedan — 
and the results of this second crisis will be seen later. 
The first blow temporarily separated husband and wife. 
The second reunited them — for ever. If I may use such 
a word of the few months of sorrow and humiliation which 
they lived together in the hou-se of exile. 

There has never been the slightest whisper of scandal 
concerning the Empress. Her constancy and wifely 
virtue were always above suspicion. Yet why should I 

^The Empress actually used the English word (Translator's Note). 

' In the autumn of 1873, a few months after the Emperor's death, the Empress 
showed me a yellow leather pocket-book which Napoleon III constantly carried 
about with him. This pocket-book contained, in addition to a letter from the Em- 
press Eugenie, a letter of Napoleon I, in which he congratulated Queen Hortense 
on the birth of her son, the last letter written by Queen Hortense to her son, a lock of 
the Prince Imperial's hair when a baby, some written forms of prayer sent him by 
poor, unknown women, and a wad of bank-notes, from which he dispensed his daily 
charities. 

35 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

disguise the fact that she entertained towards the men 
who worshiped her — and Heaven knows they were many 
— a very gentle feeling wherein curiosity, forgiveness and 
pity were mingled? And if any virtuous woman exists 
who can affirm that she has never given a single kind 
thought to the men who have loved her, let this rare 
example be the first to condemn the Empress. 

The Empress's adorers were legion, and they were 
representative of all ranks, nationalities and characters. 
Lord Rosebery once told me a romantic story of a young 
English peer who loved Eugenie and wished to marry 
her. Merimee, in an unpublished letter, mentioned the 
fate of a young Spaniard whom love for the Empress 
had well-nigh deprived of reason, and who wandered about 
the world, sick of everything and of himself most of all. 
It is an open secret that the unfortunate young Count 
Bacciochi killed himself in order to escape from the con- 
suming tortures of his wild passion. The Prussian 
Minister, Count de Goltz, was another of her victims, and 
the Empress was aware of it and always referred to him 
as "my poor Goltz!" When a cruel disease threatened 
the Count's life, she insisted on his removal to the lodge 
of Henry IV, situated in the park at Fontainebleau, 
close to the palace, so that he might have better atten- 
dance and comfort. One summer's evening we were 
sitting by the lake in front of the Chinese Drawing-room, 
when a shadow — for it was more a shadow than a man — 
appeared in our midst. It was the Comte de Goltz. The 
Empress, greatly agitated, welcomed him with the utmost 
kindness. The poor man's tongue, indeed, failed him, but 
his eyes thanked her with the look of dumb devotion of a 
faithful dog. 

Another foreign diplomat, the Count de Beust, who 

36 



The Empress's Worshipers 



was at first in the service of the King of Saxony, and who 
afterwards directed for some time the policy of Austria, 
was one of the last to add his name to the list of those 
hopeless worshipers. When he became Ambassador to 
England he used often to send her little flattering, alle- 
gorical poems such as Kaunitz might have written to 
his Marquise of Marquises, and one day the Empress 
showed me a mythological quatrain, and requested me to 
answer it on her behalf in the same language. But, let 
me confess it . . . my imagination would not rise to a 
single line! 

Two men in the Empress's own entourage were also in 
love with her. One was a great gray-haired baby, bois- 
terous and harmless, who would gaze at her for hours 
with eyes of dreamy and sentimental adoration. The 
other was a highly-strung eccentric creature who, in spite 
of his great name, always seemed more of an artist than an 
aristocrat — in fact he had won real recognition as a 
sculptor at the exhibitions. One evening, when he was 
lighting the Empress to her rooms, he suddenly lost his 
head and fell on his knees before her, candlestick in 
hand, in the attitude of one who sees a spirit from another 
world. A lady who witnessed the incident related it to 
me years afterwards at Chislehurst, in the presence of the 
Empress, who merely smiled. She had never harbored 
the least resentment against him on account of his foolish 
action. 

My own teacher, Caro, the celebrated professor, takes 
his place in this army of martyrs. The Empress first met 
him at Compiegne and afterwards amused herself by 
indulging in a harmless flirtation with him at a masked 
ball. The mind of the philosopher was in consequence 
excessively disturbed, and he has left us, as a memorial of 

37 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 



his tender feelings, a pen-portrait of the Empress upon 
which he lavished his subtle knowledge of psychology 
and his consummate art as a writer. The portrait is 
charming as a portrait, but one fails to discover in it the 
real Eugenie. 

I wonder if it is permissible for me to add the name of 
another Academician, Octave Feuillet, to this list? At 
present it seems the prevailing fashion to belittle the 
man and his works; the latter I am not here concerned 
to defend, but I am simply recalling Feuillet as his friends 
knew him, a sensitive being who detested vulgarity and 
who preserved in a sensual and cynical theatrical atmos- 
phere, an unsullied virginity of soul which I am sure was 
peculiar to himself in that circle. In Feuillet's letters to 
his wife, written at Fontainebleau in 1868, 1 trace the deep 
and ardent sympathy which existed between the two 
most sincere idealists of their day; he saw and admired 
in the Empress his most exquisite dreams realized in a 
perfect and beautiful form. 

Charles Edmond, formerly private secretary to Prince 
Jerome Napoleon, has revealed to the public the reason 
for the strange and persistent dislike which the Prince 
manifested towards the Empress for so many years. This 
dislike originated in a sentiment of a quite opposite kind, 
which had perforce to remain unexprest. A conversa- 
tion I once had with the Prince has left no doubt in my 
mind on the matter: one could feel in every word the 
bitterness of unrequited love turned to resentment and 
hatred. Jerome Napoleon was the victim of his destiny. 
It was as if some wicked fairy who had not been invited 
to his christening had revenged herself by saying to him: 
"All the wonderful gifts which my sisters have bestowed 
on you are worthless because your life and your powers 

38 



An Episode 

will be spent in vainly desiring all the things that your 
cousin will possess." 

One autumn evening at Saint Cloud, in 1867, Charles 
Duperre, then aide-de-camp in attendance, presented to 
the Prince Imperial a former officer of the Household who 
was desirous of bidding him farewell before leaving 
France on a distant mission, and during the course of the 
conversation I gathered that this gentleman had also just 
taken leave of the Empress. 

Monsieur D. was a man of about forty; I was struck 
by his singularly piercing glance, his broad and intelligent 
forehead, with the hair brushed back, his clear-cut fea- 
tures, and his slightly passionate, imperious expression. 
He spoke but little, yet something compelling and unusual 
in the controlled utterance of his deep, rather hollow voice, 
combined with the complete immobility of his demeanor, 
gave me the impression of some tragic suffering hidden 
away under the outward commonplaces of ordinary 
intercourse. 

"Who is this man?" I asked Commander Duperre 
when the door had closed on the visitor. 

"He is an unfortunate man who is madly in love with 
the Empress and who is being sent away to die at the 
other end of the world!" 

This tragic forecast was, alas! realized. When the 
news came, the Empress went at once to see his mother, 
who lived in one of the towns on the banks of the Loire. 
The two women mingled their tears together, and the 
Empress never forgot the niian who paid so dearly for the 
crime of having adored her. 

The Empress was also worshiped by unknown lovers, 
many of humble condition, many even who were open 
enemies of the Empire. From time to time these unknown 

39 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

lovers have betrayed the existence of their hopeless 
passion, and after the revolution of September 4 I re- 
member reading in a Belgian newspaper a feuilleton 
in which the Empress figured in the most impossible 
intrigue. The author described her in such glowing 
colors as to leave no doubt about his own feelings. The 
writer was no other than a former leading Communist 
and, so report says, a veritable Caliban. 

A propos of these unknown adorers, I remember that 
during the period when I was a student of the Ecole 
Normale I occasionally met a very curious young man on 
Thursdays and Sundays at the Cafe du Droit, then 
situated at the corner of the Rue Soufflot and the Rue 
Saint Jacques. I believe that this odd youth was a 
member of some secret societies which conspired against 
the life of Napoleon III, but notwithstanding his hatred 
of the dynasty, he was madly in love with the Empress! 

One evening in 1867, at Saint Cloud, I happened for 
some forgotten reason to mention this incident in the 
presence of the Empress, who at once thought that she 
identified my conspirator as the same person who had once 
tried to force his way through the gate opposite the 
Solferino Bridge in an endeavor to speak to her as she 
walked on the terrace facing the river. The man was 
arrested, and an ardent love letter to the Empress was 
found in his possession. 

I had been foolish enough to describe the youth of 
the cafe as "one of my friends" ... a fatal mistake, as 
the Empress instantly overwhelmed me with questions 
concerning him, and I had not sufficient moral courage 
to admit that I hardly knew him! So I had to . . . let 
us say . . . romance; and I was already deeply immersed 
in the waters of invention when the hour for the Prince's 

40 



Romance and Romancing 



bedtime arrived. I rose at once, greatly relieved at this 
chance of escape; but the Empress turned to me. "Now 
be sure to come back; I want to hear everything" she 
cried. 

When I returned most unwillingly at the end of a 
quarter of an hour, I found the Empress waiting for me 
alone in the first drawing-room. She at once settled me 
comfortably in an armchair in the evident expectation of 
a long and interesting story. 

So I had to tell my tale, and the Empress listened 
to me spellbound. When I occasionally paused in sheer 
perplexity I could hear the subdued hum of voices in the 
adjoining room and the murmur of the fountain as it 
fell in diamond drops Into the great horse-shoe basin 
immediately underneath the windows. 

But the Empress gave me no rest. No sooner did I 
pause than she exclaimed, "Well? . . . what happened 
then? What else did he say to you?" And I had to 
continue my fairy-tale, which I now regard as my best 
attempt at fiction — at any rate, as the one which appealed 
most successfully to its public! 

From time to time various members of the entourage, 
in whose faces surprize and disappointment struggled to 
displace the smiling mask of the courtier, appeared for an 
instant on the threshold of the little drawing-room, and 
then vanished. Heaven only knows at what hour tea 
would have been served that evening had I not, punctually 
at eleven, closed my hero's career on a deathbed in the 
Lariboisiere Hospital, and prevented any possibility of 
his resurrection by describing how I stood by his grave 
in the pauper's portion of the cemetery at Montparnasse 
"on a dreary winter's afternoon when the snow fell in 
soft white flakes on the coffin." 

41 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

The Empress had become strangely silent, and she 
bent her head as if she were stooping over the nameless 
grave. "Poor fellow!" she murmured, rising with a sigh. 
During the remainder of the evening the recital of this 
unhappy love affair cast a shadow of mournful melancholy 
over her beautiful face, for which my conscience smote me 
hard. Even at the present day I feel a certain confusion 
and almost remorse when I think of my deception, and it 
affords me some relief to have confessed it. 



42 



CHAPTER III 

THE EMPRESS AT HOME— BIARRITZ, FONTAINEBLEAU, 
COMPIEGNE AND SAINT CLOUD 

I SHOULD have an endless task before me were I to 
attempt to revive the life of a bygone epoch and 
repeople the palaces of the Second Empire with those 
men and women whom I once knew as constant visitors 
within their gates. By far the greater number of these 
have now passed away; of the five Imperial residences 
three have been destroyed by fire; two alone remain and, 
save on rare occasions, are no more than shrines of mem- 
ories open to foreign pilgrims who visit France. 

The life I remember has gone from them for ever, 
and that vivid "lived in" feeling which endows a 
residence with the personalities of its occupants is entirely 
absent from them to-day. To recall this vanished life 
would doubtless be a useful and interesting task, but it 
is not mine to-day. My object is to show the Empress 
Eugenie in her home life at Biarritz, Fontainebleau, Com- 
piegne, Saint Cloud and at the Tuileries, because she ap- 
peared to me, and was indeed, a different woman in 
different settings. 

She changed her mode of life with her surroundings: 
her thoughts and her feelings took on a different color. 
Thus to each house she brought a new attitude of mind 
and a fresh mood. I might even go so far as to say that 
her age was not the same at Biarritz and at Compiegne, 
and again not the same at Compiegne and at the Tuileries. 
I think she was always most free and natural at Biarritz, 

43 



Recollections of the Empress Eug6nie 

more the Eugenie of the days of her youth. This is easily 
explained, as at Biarritz everything reminded her of her 
native land: climate, customs, even language, for at the 
Villa Eugenie, as well as on the sea front, one heard 
Spanish frequently spoken. The people themselves were 
good-hearted, loyal folk, and strangers were invariably 
respectful and sympathetic. 

This happy state of things allowed the Empress very 
great freedom in her movements; she used to stroll down 
the street carrying her tall walking-stick with its yellow 
silk tassels, holding her skirts well out of the dust, walking 
into shops, dropping in to see her friends, interesting 
herself in the everyday life of the town, watching the 
erection of the new buildings, and taking an active interest 
in the progress of the jetty. 

Politics were completely banished from Biarritz, as the 
Emperor was supposed to be holiday-making. The Chief 
Secretary was absent, and M. Franceschini Pietri, the 
private secretary, undertook any official work that was 
absolutely necessary. There were no Ministerial meetings 
as at Saint Cloud, Fontainebleau and Compiegne. One 
Minister was in attendance (following the English cus- 
tom), but he seemed to be staying at Biarritz more for 
pleasure than business, and his presence was intermittent. 
A state official came and went with urgent dispatches 
which required the Emperor's signature. 

Nobody thought of dressing for dinner, and the well- 
known telegram to Merimee, "Come without knee- 
breeches," might have been sent equally well to any one 
of the other guests. These guests were usually either 
personal friends of the sovereigns or persons of distinction 
passing through Biarritz to whom a special interview had 
been granted. So that such political affairs as were 

44 



Days at Biarritz 



actually dealt with were handled outside the routine of 
offices and ministries. There was no recognized rota, as in 
those residences nearer Paris. Our existence at Biarritz 
was a combination of the life in an ideal country-house and 
that in a big seaside hotel. There was any amount of 
movement and freedom, and we were always doing some- 
thing fresh : sometimes a party of us drove in wagonettes or 
rode on horseback into the country, or went for a boating 
trip. We made excursions to the mouth of the Adour, to 
Bayonne, Cambo, Saint Jean de Luz, Sarre, and even into 
Spain, picnicking en route. 

In the evening we chatted or played a kind of game 
of "consequences," and it was amusing to find that the 
lights of literature were not nearly so brilliant in this 
mode of expression as were the butterflies of our own 
world. The Empress always kept the most witty of the 
questions and answers, so it is easy to guess that we all 
endeavored to excel. We also indulged in a lottery, 
where chance showed Itself so discriminating that I have 
always suspected it was guided by a very kind and gen- 
erous hand. 

Added to its semi-Spanish atmosphere, and the almost 
complete absence of politics, Biarritz possest other at- 
tractions which endeared it to the Empress. As those in 
attendance remained there during the whole of the five 
or six weeks that the Court was at Biarritz, the usual 
rotation was suspended and the Empress selected her 
entourage with the very greatest care. She therefore 
chose only those people whom she knew and liked person- 
ally, and she banished the fault-finders, wet-blankets, and 
sticklers for etiquet, all those who refused to be merry 
themselves and interfered with the amusements of others. 

Biarritz was the only seaside residence of the Empress, 

45 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

who loved the sea and everything and everybody con- 
nected with it. One day she described herself as "the 
mother of all sailors," and afterwards a few familiar and 
privileged spirits used playfully to address her as 
"Mama." A small cruiser, anchored in Bayonne road- 
stead, was always at the disposal of the sovereigns, and 
every morning we received a telegram to say if the weather 
or the state of the bar favored a sea trip. Except her 
mountain walks in the Pyrenees, which brought back 
memories of her youthful days, the Empress liked nothing 
better than a day at sea on board the Chamois, but in 
September, 1867, one of these sea trips nearly met with a 
fatal termination. The Empress, her son and the suite 
had intended to land at Saint Jean de Luz, but the ship's 
boats missed the entrance to the harbor, and the boat 
which contained the Empress and the Prince was nearly 
dashed to pieces on the rocks. Both mother and son were 
perfectly undisturbed by this terrifying experience, and 
the Empress actually returned to Biarritz in the highest 
spirits. But I rather think the Emperor had something to 
say to her on the subject, as he had experienced two hours 
of heartrending anxiety on her account. 

With the exception of some incognito journeys, about 
which I have nothing to say as I never accompanied the 
Empress on such occasions, I think that Biarritz was the 
place where she was most truly herself, simply because 
there she could, as far as was possible to a French sover- 
eign, do as she pleased, say what she thought, and see 
whom she liked. 

At Fontainebleau and Compiegne the exigencies of 
State demanded another role. Here she was the Empress 
who dispensed a dazzling Imperial hospitality and at the 
same time fascinated and charmed everybody. During 

46 





< 

w 

w 
< 
O 

O 
w 

< 
< 

Oh 

w 

H 



An Incident at Fontainebleau 

my stay at Fontainebleau in the summer of 1868 there 
were no fetes and no receptions, so I knew only from hear- 
say about the great days of Fontainebleau: for instance, 
the visit of the Siamese Mission, painted by Gerome, the 
Court of Love presided over by the beautiful Madame 
Przedjecka, when Merimee acted as secretary, the gaieties 
of the "Babies' Club," where the youngest and liveliest 
members of the Court gathered round Princess Anna 
Murat, in all the glory of her twenty summers. But in 
my day the Court comprised only children and middle- 
aged folk — no young men or women — and the life of the 
place was a good deal affected by this. We were about 
twenty in all, rather lost in the immense building, of 
which we occupied only a very small part. 

The only spots which showed signs of life were in 
front of the Chinese Drawing-room and along the avenue 
of tall trees bordering the small lake. We used to collect 
there after lunch, and those amongst us who were faithful 
to the traditions of Fontainebleau provided themselves 
with pieces of bread with which to feed those hateful carp 
who, in size and fierceness, exceeded the murenas in the 
tanks of ancient Rome. To the shore of the lake were 
moored all kinds of boats — dingies, yawls, canoes, "Rob 
Roys," and even a gondola which had been abandoned 
by its homesick gondolier, and which none of us knew 
how to handle. In the long straight avenue the Prince 
Imperial took his first lessons in bicycle riding, and the 
Empress's hammock was slung between two of the trees. 
One day, when she was lying in this hammock, an over 
zealous aide-de-camp (it was not his first blunder) noticed 
an old Japanese parasol which was lying long forgotten at 
the foot of a tree and which had become, by the accumula- 
tion of years, the receptacle of a varied collection of living 

47 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

and dead insects. Advancing towards the Empress with 
the movements of a slave of the harem fanning a Sultana, 
the officer opened the parasol, and a perfect deluge of 
grubs and caterpillars rained upon the Empress, who 
uttered a shriek of terror and sprang out of the hammock 
like lightning. 

During the midday heat the Empress liked to sit with 
her ladies-in-waiting in the Chinese Drawing-room as the 
close proximity of the lake and the dim light made the 
room comparatively cool. The two rooms which had been 
thrown into one to make the Chinese Drawing-room were 
immediately under the papal apartments at the corner of 
the Louis XV wing of the palace and the Fountain Court. 
The Empress had furnished the Chinese Drawing-room 
with the many treasures taken from the Summer Palace 
at Peking. These she had disposed with consummate 
skill, for she had a gift of her own for making harmony 
out of hangings and carpets and for the pleasing arrange- 
ment of furniture and works of art. I believe she has 
greatly helped to inaugurate the fashion of the knick- 
knack and has taught us to fill up the center of a room 
and to trace in it winding lanes, while reserving here and 
there secluded nooks, each independent of the others and 
with an individuality of its own. Anyone but Eugenie 
would have made a kind of museum of the room, but she 
made it, as it were, a corner of the abode of "The Son 
of Heaven." 

Seated in the midst of these spoils from far Cathay, 
the ladies worked or pretended to, while someone read 
aloud; I read several of the "Nouvelles Genevoises" to 
them in the Chinese Drawing-room. 

When the Emperor happened to be in camp at 
Chalons, or taking the waters, a quaint form of corre- 

48 



Drives through the Woods 



spondence was exchanged between him and the Court. 
The Plombleres "trout" wrote to the carp at Fontalne- 
bleau, who repHed In the same light-hearted vein, and this 
correspondence often occupied our afternoons In the 
Chinese Drawing-room. At four o'clock the Imperial 
wagonettes drew up in the Fountain Court with their 
picturesque postilions, who were a delight to the eye as 
each stood, whip In hand, In the traditional livery of high 
rldlng-boots, yellow breeches and glazed hats, not for- 
getting their peruques, from which the powder fell In little 
clouds on their green and gold jackets. 

Those drives In the woods, to the tuneful jingling of 
the bells answering rhythmically to the rapid trot of the 
horses, were an exhilarating experience. We passed 
through silent stretches of tall forest; sometimes we 
awakened villages sleeping In the sun and watched the 
women rush to the doors of their cottages and heard the 
shrill voices of children crying "Long live the Empress!" 
as we passed swiftly over the cobbled streets. Sometimes 
we halted for tea and a ramble among the rocks. I re- 
member an excursion to the "Sables d'Arbonne," where 
about fifteen of us, hand In hand, rushed headlong down 
a very steep slope. We sllpt, we fell, and finally we 
lost our footing and came down like a hurricane, the girls 
screaming In mingled terror and enjoyment. When we 
finally arrived at the bottom of the hill It was evident that 
several pieces of the ladies' skirts and many of their 
high heels had been torn off in their downward course. 
What a fine text for the "unco guld" who were always 
railing against what they termed "the follies of the 
Empress!" On my own part I was no more scandalized 
by this innocent gaiety than I was in later years when I 
saw the Jesuit Fathers playing football and cricket with 

49 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

their pupils. The Empress at the age of forty had kept 
the gift of enjoying herself with children as a child. I 
always associated this gift in my mind with simplicity and 
strength of soul, and I had not the slightest sympathy with 
the censorious who affected to believe the end of the world 
had come if, in such games, one might have caught an 
occasional glimpse of the Empress's ankles. 

After dinner we went out again, and occasionally the 
Empress would ask one of us to row her two or three 
times round the lake. When darkness fell we returned 
to the Chinese Drawing-room, where there chanced to be 
a mechanical piano; ever since its discovery we had made 
the most of it, and the girls danced merrily together to the 
strains of the then popular "Blue Danube" and "Rose" 
waltzes. 

At half past nine tea was served in a neighboring 
room, and conversation lasted till a late hour, especially 
when Merimee or Feuillet happened to be sitting next to 
the Empress. 

One evening, as no " lions " were present, we retired 
earlier than was our wont, and hardly had we left the 
drawing-room than an enormous cut-glass chandelier, 
suspended from the ceiling, fell with a tremendous crash 
exactly in the place where the Empress usually sat every 
evening. Thi\s was one of the first of a series of inex- 
plicable accidents which followed in quick succession, and 
to which the superstitious attached the significance of 
omens. In 1869 the warden of Fontainbleau died sud- 
denly of meningitis, and the Republican newspapers 
attributed his death to the fact that he had stood bare- 
headed under a burning sun when taking the orders of 
the Empress. He was described as being a "victim" 
of the pitiless etiquet insisted upon by the "Spaniard." 

SO 



At Compiegne 

This was absolutely untrue; but how much more untrue 
was the prevalent idea which so many people had formed 
of the Empress ! The real truth is that she set no value 
on etiquet, and so often disregarded it that the Emperor 
had constantly to recall her to a sense of the formalities 
befitting her exalted rank. 

It was at Compiegne that the Empress had to display 
the greatest skill in discharging her difficult and complex 
duties as hostess. In the first place the lists of invitations 
had to be drawn up and the "sets" made out so as to 
contain a fairly equal proportion of aristocrats, cosmo- 
politan notorieties, diplomats, artists, men of learning, 
pretty women and members of the Institute. These 
various ingredients had to be cleverly balanced so as to 
form a homogeneous mixture; enmities and misunder- 
standings had to be taken account of: yet withal variety 
and contrast must be obtained whilst avoiding heart- 
burnings, or friction. To achieve this required a knowl- 
edge of every person's character and past history. 

The Empress was assisted, it is true, in her selection 
of her guests, but this assistance was only an added 
danger, and she soon found that it was necessary to 
mistrust the social sponsors who were ever ready to put 
forward the claims of some "charming American" or 
some "wonderful artiste." Further, whenever an invita- 
tion was sent to someone outside the ordinary Court 
circle it was necessary to make sure that there would be 
no affronting refusal or that the acceptance would not 
result in some breach of etiquet which would scandalize 
the doctors of decorum and disturb the harmony created 
with so much pains. 

Once the lists were checked and the invitations issued 
care had to be bestowed on the assignment of rooms, for 

SI 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

the apartments had to be proportioned to the rank and 
importance of the guests. Therefore, if the Marechale X 
had been given a special boudoir where she could receive 
her chosen friends, it was impossible to refuse the Prin- 
cess Y a similar privilege. 

Then came the task of preparing the program for 
the nine or ten days allotted to each set; of keeping this 
collection of varied personalities amused from nine in 
the morning until midnight; of controlling them under 
the appearance of perfect freedom; of flattering their 
vanity with a word, twenty times a day, and keeping their 
interest awake; of making each one of the bigwigs believe 
he was the great man of the set, and preventing the shy 
ones from congregating in corners and forming cliques — 
in a word, of making a salon, that is, a social unit, out of 
as incongruous an assemblage of human beings as the 
chances of a journey will bring together in a restaurant 
car. Such was the task to which the Empress applied 
herself, and the surviving guests of Compiegne, of whom 
there are still many, God be thanked, will, I feel sure, 
gladly bear witness to her triumphant success in social 
diplomacy. 

I will not go so far as to say that the Empress never 
made a mistake, or complimented the wrong person, or 
blundered when she was driven to guesswork through 
lack of time in which to study her part. 

I have already related in the Journal des Debats, h propos 
of my personal recollections of the visit of the Tsar and 
Tsarina to Compiegne,^ an entertaining little slip of 
hers — for which I was partly responsible. 

M. Egger, one of the professors at the Sorbonne, had 
handed to the Empress a roll of manuscript, sealed up, 

1 Journal des Debuts, September 7, 1901. 
. 52 



A MS. and a Meeting 



which he had begged her to open and read, as he felt 
sure that it would interest her. 

The Empress, who did not know much about M. Egger 
beyond the fact that he was a very learned man, asked 
me to enlighten her as to his especial subject, and I there- 
foi'e naturally waxed enthusiastic over the genius of the 
eminent Greek scholar whose lectures I had attended 
at the Sorbonne. "Ah!" said the Empress. "Then 
M. Egger confines his work exclusively to ancient 
Greece f " 

"That is so," I replied. 

A few days after our conversation M. Egger happened 
to meet the Empress. "Dare I venture to ask the opinion 
of your Majesty about the manuscript which I submitted 
for your Majesty's consideration.^ " said he. 

"Oh! yes . . . yes," answered the Empress. ... "I 
found it most interesting. . . . These memories of Greece 
are full of charm." 

"But, madame . . ." exclaimed the mystified professor 
". . . the manuscript contained an account of various 
unpublished documents relating to Marie Antoinette!" 

The Empress looked at M. Egger, then she laughed. 
"Forgive me," she cried, "I'll confess I have not yet had 
a chance to open the roll. . . . Shall we look through it 
together .f*" 

A few such slight mishaps, good humoredly recog- 
nized and gracefully repaired, could in no way affect the 
prestige of the Imperial hostess. 

She relied chiefiy on the afternoon teas in her attempts 
to blend together the various elements which composed 
each "set." I will endeavor to picture two of these 
teas, one of the third set in 1868 to which my father 
was invited, and which he described in a letter to my 

S3 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

mother the same evening, and another which I find 
described in my own notes. 

"After lunch," wrote my father, "Mademoiselle de 
Larminat, one of the maids of honor, invited me on behalf 
of the Empress to take tea with her at five o'clock. I was a 
little early, and was somewhat startled, when I entered, to 
find myself almost alone with the Empress. The only 
other guest present was a young naval commander named 
Gamier, just home from the Far East, who had brought a 
number of drawings of Buddhist monuments. The Em- 
press asked me to sit down and look at the drawings. But 
the room soon began to fill — I think about twenty persons 
had been invited — the ladies chatted among themselves, 
or with the ladies-in-waiting, whilst the maids of honor 
dispensed tea. The Empress, who was seated on a sofa, 
made the men sit round her: she placed Lachaud on her 
right, Baroche on her left; the others present were Al- 
phand, Viollet le Due, Prince Bibesco, an "avocat-gen- 
eral" M. Savary, and two or three more whose names I for- 
get. The conversation over which the Empress presided 
first turned on famous orators past and present. Baroche 
and Lachaud naturally led the discussion; the Empress 
declared that she personally preferred men of deeds to 
men of words ; and poor Cicero, who was not there to plead 
his own cause, but who found an advocate in Boissier, 
was the butt of several caustic remarks. The mention 
of women who possess the gift of oratory permitted me 
to say something about Madame Deraisme, whom I had 
heard speaking at the Boulevard des Capucines. At last 
we touched on the question of divorce, which Lachaud 
advocated, although he admitted that religious sentiment 
was a serious obstacle. The Empress closed the dis- 
cussion by saying: *We shall not reestablish divorce in 

S4 



A Lawyers' Tea 

France.' She then rose and made a sign for us to with- 
draw, and we hurried away to dress for an early dinner, as 
there was to be a theatrical performance afterwards." 

Later I wrote down my own impressions: "Invited 
to tea with the Empress. It was a lawyers' tea, and 
we discust celebrated trials. Madame Lafarge was our 
first 'subject,' and we made desperate efforts to induce 
Lachaud, who was sitting next the Empress, to break the 
silence of years and say whether he still believed in the 
innocence of Madame Lafarge. It was evident that most 
of the guests like myself had heard of Lachaud's infatua- 
tion for his beautiful client, but we could get nothing from 
him. I turned to him, remarking, *Well, Lachaud, your 
clients have certainly taught you one lesson.' 

"*And what is that?' 

"* Never to confess,' I answered. 

"He laughed, but remained as impenetrable as ever. 

"The conversation then turned on the murder of the 
Duchesse de Praslin by her husband. The Empress told 
us that she used to meet the Duke and his wife at the 
Delesserts. *I met the Duchesse at dinner a few days 
before the murder,' she said. 'And the Duchesse told us 
that one night she had seen the figure of a hooded monk 
standing in the middle of her room. She had pulled the 
bell cord violently, and the monk had disappeared. Was 
it a nightmare or was it the Duke?' asked the Empress. 

"*It must have been the Duke,' replied a dramatic 
author. *He was having a dress rehearsal.' 

" * Yes, I think you are right,' answered the Empress, 
'because on the night of the murder all the wires of the 
bells had been cut. ' " 

In the midst of this continual keeping up of appear- 
ances and somewhat artificial merriment, the Empress 

S5 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

had moments of profound weariness. "People will 
have it," she said to me one day, "that kings are sur- 
rounded by flatterers; but, alas! it is kings themselves 
who are obliged to play the flatterers' part to all the 
world. Their whole life is one long bowing and thanking. 
Monarchs are not even allowed the right to criticize. 
They dare not stigmatize as execrable the book which 
is dedicated to them, the play which is performed in 
their presence, or the music with which their ears are 
tortured. A queen often skims through the pages of some 
learned work, as a schoolboy studies his lesson, whilst her 
hair is being drest for dinner, simply because it behoves 
her to be gracious to the author. At Court all the young 
girls are pretty, all the gowns are exquisite, every artist is 
a genius. It is the fate of princes to be forced to admire 
everything and everybody." 

The Empress was speaking in the quiet room where 
the Prince Imperial usually worked. The Prince's 
governor. General Frossard, did not often allow his 
charge to take part in the gay doings at Compiegne, and 
when for some reason or other the Prince was not allowed 
to dine at the Imperial table, the evening used to pass 
somewhat as follows: 

Toward seven o'clock all was quiet in the gloomy 
study, illuminated by a single lamp with a broad shade, 
by the light of which the Prince and his friend, Conneau, 
were struggling with a sentence of Sallust's or a problem 
in arithmetic. The silence was unbroken save by the loud 
regular ticking of a great clock more than a hundred years 
old and the voice of the wind as it howled afar in the 
forest. Suddenly a door opened. We heard the rustle 
of silk and satin, the soft jingle of swinging bracelets and 
chains. It was the Empress! 

56 



In the Prince's Study 



When her maids had put the last touches to her gor- 
geous dinner toilet in that wonderful dressing-room, 
sacred in bygone years to Marie Antoinette and Marie 
Louise, she used to come to say good night to her son 
before joining the Emperor. 

As she came up to the table her figure lit up the 
shadows. "Oh! Mama, is it you?" exclaimed the 
Prince. 

"Are you hard at work? If so, don't let me disturb 
you," she answered. And she would kiss him tenderly 
and playfully tap Louis Conneau on the shoulder. Then 
she would walk to the window and stand in the bay for a 
few moments, talking in undertones. Sometimes she 
prest her forehead against the pane, gazing into the 
depth and mystery of the dark night with eyes full of 
dreams as if she sought therein refreshment for sight and 
brain. One evening she said to me: "What a pity Gen- 
eral Frossard cannot forbid me, as well as my son, to 
attend this dinner!" I can still smell the faint perfume 
which enveloped her like the sighs of flowers. It was like 
a vision, and lasted but five minutes, yet the splendors of 
Compiegne seem pale and dull in comparison. 

I think I can best describe Saint Cloud as a place of 
contrasts. Sometimes it was more full of life than the 
Tuileries, and sometimes it was more still than Fontain- 
bleau or Compeigne in their days of deserted silence, when 
either Court or guests were away. Here sweet peaceful 
days alternated with the pomp of levees and receptions, 
but Saint Cloud was not far enough off from Paris to 
prevent the almost daily intrusion of politics into the life 
of the Sovereigns. Paris was always present in our eyes 
and in our minds, and the great frowning city seemed 
like a silent enemy. Twice a week we saw a long pro- 

57 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

cession of Ministerial carriages drive slowly up the avenue, 
and we knew instinctively that each carriage contained a 
load of fresh worries. After the council was over the 
Ministers lunched with the Emperor; some were gruff and 
sullen, others put on a mien of affected jollity. Their 
faces, heated or pale with fatigue, showed obvious traces 
of stormy discussions that often came near to degenerating 
into disputes. 

In the evenings the Emperor occasionally received 
members of the Chamber. Such evenings, one need 
hardly say, were not merry ones, for there was in the air 
the shadow of coming disaster, and all felt obscurely that 
evil days were at hand. 

But there were other days, very different, when Saint 
Cloud seemed to forget the existence of Paris and turned 
her back on the capitol to seek refuge in the peaceful 
solitudes of her vast park. Then it became once more 
the country residence of kings, the house of peace, of 
memories, of dreams. I have seen the girls of the 
St. Denis School playing, chattering and singing 
roundelays on the very spot where, a few months before, 
the unfortunate Empress Charlotte had lost her reason. 
Thus two entirely opposite tendencies entered into the 
life of the Empress at Saint Cloud. The outward pleas- 
ures she shared with those around her: the deep-seated 
worries could only be guessed from a few words which 
escaped her now and then. 

Of a morning I often saw the Empress driving herself 
in a pretty little basket carriage, respectfully installed 
in her seat by Gamble, the Englishman who ruled supreme 
in the stables. 

I do not know whether she was a skilful whip, or what 
opinion an expert would have passed on her driving, but 

58 






. , :..hA^^JtS=^^- >;^^^Uii£l^± 



The Library at Saint Cloud 

to me she seemed wholly charming and dignified as, 
perched on her tall seat, she gave their head to the ponies, 
who shook their tasseled trappings and raised a cloud of 
dust as they moved off. 

In the afternoon we would drive in chars-a-bancs to 
the woods of Ville d'Avray, of Hubies, of Fausses-Re- 
poses, to the model farm at Jardies, to the pond at Saint 
Cucufa, or to the pavilion of La Jonchere, or again to 
the Marly Aqueduct and the Malmaison. A drive to 
the last named was the final outing of 1870. 

After dinner we usually sat in the middle drawing- 
room on the first floor, or else in the billiard-room next 
to it, and some of us repaired to the library immediately 
behind the drawing-room where we could talk undis- 
turbed. The library, a curious room designed by King 
Louis Philippe, resembled the frame of a staircase abso- 
lutely devoid of stairs, the positions of the various floors 
being shown by narrow galleries one over the other, the 
whole lighted by a glass roof. These galleries, from top to 
bottom, were lined with books, and contained many rare 
and valuable volumes. Jules Sandeau acted nominally 
as librarian, and when the Court was at Saint Cloud he 
was always at his post in the library on Sundays, when 
their Majesties passed on their way to chapel, and was 
greeted by them with a smiling "good morning;" but 
Sandeau never troubled to intrude himself further on 
their notice. 

The large round table, at which the ladies sat pre- 
tending to occupy themselves with fancy work, was placed 
in one corner of the drawing-room between the mantel- 
piece and the library door. The Empress used to sit im- 
mediately under a marble bust of Napoleon II which was 
as unlike the Due de Reichstadt we have seen on the 

59 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

stage as it is possible to imagine. It was at this table 
that Merimee read "Lokis," his last imaginative work, 
aloud to us, and our favorable verdict determined him 
to publish it. I have already related this incident in 
"Merimee and His Friends." Those of my readers who 
are desirous of learning the details will there find them 
fully described. 



60 



CHAPTER IV 

THE EMPRESS AT HOME (continued)— LIFE AT THE TUILERIES 
(1867-70)— THE EMPRESS AND POLITICS 

IF at certain times life at Saint Cloud was saddened 
by the intrusion of politics, it is not too much to affirm 
that we were never free from them at the Tuileries, 
where they enveloped us in one unbroken gloom made 
dense with unhappy memories and still more sinister 
forebodings. 

At the Tuileries, indeed, the Empress appears to me 
as a great and noble figure, for there I have seen her 
devote herself, body and soul, to the terrible task of 
sovereignty and live again, with full consciousness of the 
perilous and tragic similarity, the successive phases of 
that other royal agony which the same surroundings had 
once witnessed. 

And to begin with it is important to have a clear vision 
of these surroundings, for not only are they the natural 
frame of the portrait I am endeavoring to sketch, but 
they reflect the personality of her who lived so long among 
them and who had, to a certain extent, stamped them with 
the impress of her own moral individuality. It is under 
this, their last aspect, that the Tuileries will go down to 
history. I make therefore no apology for describing them 
in detail. 

The private apartments of the Empress consisted of 

eight rooms out of the eleven on the first floor of the wing 

of the palace situated between the Pavilion de I'Horloge 

and the Pavilion de Flore. I am now only referring to 

those rooms of which the windows looked out upon the 

6i 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

garden; those which overlooked the Cour du Carrousel 
were used for another purpose which I shall presently 
explain. 

When a visitor wished to reach the Empress's rooms by 
the great hall which opened on to the arch of the Horloge, 
it was necessary, after mounting the staircase, to cross the 
anteroom in which the ushers were on duty, and thence 
to pass through the room used by those in attendance to 
the drawing-room especially reserved for ladies. In this 
room, if my memory serves me aright, framed in the wood- 
work, were the portraits of the prettiest women of the 
Second Empire. They were popularly supposed to be the 
"friends" of the Empress, although, when I first came 
to the Tuileries, a number of these so-called "friends" 
had either discontinued their visits or were very coldly 
received. The study came next and was crowded with 
furniture and lined with glass cases full of treasures. 
Close to the second window was the Empress's special 
corner where she wrote her letters. Her writing-table 
was encircled by a crystal screen over which graceful 
climbing plants hung in festoons of verdure, giving her 
the appearance of being in some nook of tropical forest. 
The table, which was rather small, was surrounded with 
miniatures and photographs, and the Empress could never 
write a line without feeling herself in the presence and 
under the observation of her beloved living and her 
equally beloved dead. Behind her writing-table was a 
glass-fronted cupboard. This she opened one day and 
showed me some beautifully bound books in which she 
had copied extracts in prose or poetry from her favorite 
authors. The names which recurred most frequently were 
those of Bossuet, Chateaubriand, Lamartine. de Maistre, 
Victor Cousin, Donoso Cortez, and, generally speaking, 

62 



The Emperor's Rooms 



all those who have bequeathed us great thoughts on great 
subjects. 

She was but little moved by that power which lies in 
the continuity of argument, in the classification of facts, 
or in the logical march of thought towards a rigorous 
conclusion. Her sympathies were rather with the " seers," 
with the intuitive minds, those that find the truth by in- 
stinct and flash upon it an illuminating word, with that 
convincing common sense that needs no proofs. I doubt if 
she often read a book through from cover to cover. She 
would come across, in the opening pages, some phrase 
which stopt her and set her thinking. I remember her 
exclamations of surprize when I once told her that the best 
book would be that from which it would be impossible to 
make sense of a single line once it was separated from the 
text to which it belonged. 

Between the study and the library was the starting- 
point of a little winding staircase which communicated 
with the Emperor's rooms. These were situated on the 
ground floor of the palace underneath those of the Em- 
press, but separated from them by the entresol, which 
was allotted to the use of Gabriel Thelin, a former valet 
de chamhre who had become the treasurer of the privy 
purse. 

The rooms occupied by the Emperor were merely little 
overheated gilt boxes furnished in the style of the First 
Empire. The Emperor, who took after the Creole side 
of his family, liked these small rooms and insisted on 
maintaining therein an excessively high temperature. He 
was also very fond of bed, and would often seek it when 
he wanted to think things over. The Empress rarely 
visited this hot-house; whenever she wanted to speak to 
the Emperor she struck a gong which was placed at the 

63 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

head of the little staircase, and if Napoleon III were at 
Hberty he instantly obeyed her summons. 

The Empress's books were arranged in handsome 
glass-fronted bookcases, and all the volumes were bound 
in dark morocco stamped with an "E" surmounted by 
the Imperial Crown. The selection of these books showed 
an almost encyclopedic method of thought dominated by 
those idealistic predilections to which I have referred. 
But the works of historians were given the place of honor 
in this charming library, which after the Fourth of Sep- 
tember the Emperor tried to reconstruct elsewhere. 

The large embrasure of the window formed a sort of 
winter garden, and it was here that I installed Fustel de 
Coulanges one spring day in 1869, when he came to give 
us a series of interesting talks on the growth of primitive 
civilizations, and above all on the civilization of ancient 
Egypt, of which the Empress was soon to see the surviving 
relics for herself. These little lectures made an interest- 
ing and charming picture. Imagine the five or six ladies 
grouped around the Empress, some sewing, others in- 
tently watching the speaker. Occasionally a whisper, a 
smile, some artless question! And the author of "The 
Ancient City," speaking in a level, slow, slightly affected 
voice, at first stiff and nervous, in his tight black coat and 
in his novel role, but gradually thawing under the sym- 
pathy and interest which welcomed him and were main- 
tained to the end. 

From the library one passed into a kind of anteroom, 
which seemed rather bare and insignificant until two large 
swing-doors opened opposite the window and disclosed 
an altar in the recess behind. This room was the Em- 
press's oratory; there the Prince Imperial performed the 
devotions of his religious "retreat" before his First Com- 

64 



slumming in Paris 



munion, and listened to the final instructions given him by 
the Abbe Deguerry, cure of the Madeleine. It was also in 
this little oratory that the Empress heard Mass for the 
last time on the morning of the Fourth of September. 

An enormous dressing-room, large enough for a 
Council of State, and a smaller but nevertheless large 
bedroom completed the suite of rooms reserved for the 
Empress. 

How did the Empress spend her mornings? I confess 
I am in almost complete ignorance on this point. I am 
left with three suppositions: business, dress, charity. 
A propos of the last I find an undated entry in my diary. 
"This morning I met a carriage entering the courtyard 
of the Tuileries. The men wore gray liveries. Inside sat 
an old lady with spectacles, a large hat and a thick veil. 
With her was Mademoiselle Marion and the two nieces of 
her Majesty, the Duchesse de Galisteo, and the Duchesse 
de Montoro. They all began to laugh when they saw my 
startled look, and suddenly the old lady took off her 
spectacles and raised her veil. ... It was like the fairy- 
tale of Cinderalla; a transformation happened under one's 
very eyes. . . . The old lady was none other than the Em- 
press ! It seems that she often disguises herself when she 
visits the poor in the lowest parts of Paris. We spoke 
about our meeting that evening, and the Empress said she 
thought the Prince ought to see for himself what poverty 
was really like. *He does not know what It Is,' she de- 
clared. 'He probably thinks that the poor are those who 
don't possess carriages. It is absolutely necessary that he 
should understand and realize, that he should listen to 
the tales of these poor wretches; much In them Is lies, no 
doubt, and yet even more is truth. He must see for him- 
self those dreadful homes, without air or bread, where 

65 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

happiness is impossible. He is not fit to reign until he has 
seen that ! ' I told the Empress I would mention her wish 
to General Frossard, but I can see him already in my imag- 
ination. He will throw up his hands to Heaven in sheer 
despair and go out slamming the door behind himl" 

The Empress lunched alone with the Emperor. The 
Prince, who sometimes made a third, has often told me 
about these luncheons, which were far simpler than those 
of the officers on palace duty. After lunch the Empress 
gave audiences, and it is a characteristic fact that we had 
always to warn the Empress when it was time for her to 
bid adieu to those honored by an audience. She had 
no notion whatever of the flow of time, and she once told 
us about her first visit to Princess Marie of Baden, Duch- 
ess of Hamilton, after her marriage. "I believe I stopt 
there for five or six hours," she said: "I had nothing 
left to say, and yet I didn't go. I believe I should have 
remained there to this day if the Emperor had not 
become uneasy and sent Bacciochi to fetch me." 

The Empress could never accustom herself to limit 
an interview in proportion to the person's rank, the degree 
of intimacy, or the object of the visit. Many a time at 
Chislehurst it has been my duty to appear and cut short 
on any pretext some interview of which the Empress could 
not have told whether it had lasted two hours or ten 
minutes. 

At four o'clock the Empress invariably drove out, 
excepting those days when she went skating. But the 
monotonous four o'clock drive, which by this time she 
thought very dull, became on occasions strangely dra- 
matic. I remember one memorable day in 1869, when the 
Imperial carriage, instead of taking the usual route to the 
Bois de Boulogne, drove without any escort, preceded by 

66 



Quiet Courage of the Empress 

a single outrider, towards the habitual center of the 
troubles which were then agitating Paris. When, after 
having passed down the Rue de Rivoli and the Boulevard 
de Sebastopol, the Sovereigns reached the great Boule- 
vards, they found the crowd was so dense that the landau 
had to proceed at a snail's pace and at times to stop alto- 
gether. The crowd of onlookers, mostly hostile to the 
Empire and which very likely had hooted the police only 
five minutes previously, was suddenly seized with en- 
thusiasm and burst into frenzied cheers. It was a great 
popular ovation — but, alas! it was the last! 

That evening, when I ventured to tell the Empress 
how greatly I admired her courage, she replied, "Don't 
you know I am an awful coward?" 

I told her that I refused to believe it, and instanced 
her visit to the cholera patients at Amiens and her be- 
havior on January 14, 1858, when she had said to those 
who were fussing round her: "Look after the wounded 
and do not trouble about us. . . . This is part of our 
day's work!" 

But she repeated, shaking her head: "Indeed I assure 
you that, by nature, I am really a coward." 

At seven o'clock we all assembled in what was known 
as the Private Drawing-Room which looked on the Place 
du Carrousel and was separated from the Salle des Mare- 
chaux by the room called the First Consul's Room. 
The drawing-room was very spacious; on one side of it 
stood a grand piano, on the other near the mantelpiece was 
a four-cornered table, in the center a circular couch. The 
furniture was covered with old discolored red damask, 
quite out of fashion, and the material was so frayed on 
the arms of the chairs that the lining was visible. These 
pieces of furniture disappeared eventually to return, one 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

by one, re-covered with a special make of black satin 
brocaded in silk flowers, an order doubtless intended as 
an encouragement to the silk-weaving industries of Lyons, 
then already in a very precarious condition. We often had 
to wait an interminable time, without knowing the cause 
of the delay, for the moment when the doors of the Em- 
press's drawing-room were flung wide apart and the 
usher announced "The Emperor." The Sovereigns then 
entered, accompanied by the Prince. If guests were 
present the gentlemen lined up on one side and the ladies 
on the other, and as the Sovereigns passed the Emperor 
spoke to each of the men and the Empress said a few 
gracious words to the ladies, and whoever first finished 
the "moving" conversation — this was usually Na- 
poleon III — awaited the other. The prefect of the 
palace on duty announced that dinner was served, and 
led the way, the Emperor following with the Empress on 
his arm, except when Royalties were present. We passed 
first through the Throne Room, which was next the 
Private Drawing-Room, and we then entered the Salon 
Louis XIV, so called because the whole of the wall facing 
the windows was hung with a piece of Gobelins tapestry 
which was a faithful reproduction of the painting in which 
the great monarch is shown presenting the young King 
Philip V of Spain to his future subjects. 

The Empress once called my attention to the fact that 
the Cardinal Portocarrero, who headed the deputation to 
Louis XIV, was a member of her family, Portocarrero 
being her father's surname before he inherited his title. 
When Queen Isabella of Spain, after the Revolution of 
1868, visited the Tuileries for the first time, she stopt 
in front of this tapestry. "There," said she, "is the 
beginning. And here" — pointing to herself — "is the 

68 



Round the Imperial Table 



end!" But events proved her to be wrong — Queen 
Isabella was not the "end" of the Monarchy. 

The Emperor sat directly under this tapestry facing 
the windows, having the Empress and the aide-de-camp 
in attendance at his left. The Prince Imperial and the 
lady-in-waiting were at his right. The Adjutant-General 
of the palace faced the Emperor, and the rest of the 
company sat where they pleased. At these informal 
dinners the Emperor's military staff was represented by 
the aide-de-camp and the orderly officers, the civilian 
household by the equerry and chamberlain on duty, the 
Empress's household by a lady-in-waiting, a maid of honor 
and a chamberlain, that of the Prince Imperial by an aide- 
de-camp and his tutor. If one adds to these the Adjutant- 
General and the prefect of the palace, the two nieces of the 
Empress, their governess, the colonel or the major of the 
battalion stationed at the Tuileries, and lastly, young 
Louis Conneau, an accurate picture can be obtained of the 
gathering round the Imperial table, about twenty persons 
in all, when there were no invited guests. The gala dinners 
were held in the Galerie de Diane, which terminated the 
suite of State rooms on that side of the Tuileries. 

On the occasion of a great State ball much the same 
sort of transformation which metamorphoses the apart- 
ments of the average Parisian when he entertains his 
guests at a soiree, happened at the Tuileries. 

The refreshments were served in the Galerie de Diane. 
The Salon Louis XIV and the Throne Room were 
reserved for presentations and the diplomatic circle, 
whilst the hosts and their household borrowed for the 
occasion the dining-room of the officers in attendance, 
which room was once, I believe, the drawing-room of the 
Empress Josephine. After dinner we waited a few mo- 

69 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

ments in the adjoining room, known as the Salle de 
Felix. ^ This was an apartment filled to overflowing with 
a varied assortment of incongruous objects, ranging from 
some extraordinary paintings, the work of a Siamese 
prince, to models of new rifles submitted to the Emperor 
by unknown inventors. 

We then returned to the Empress's private suite of 
rooms, where we awaited the hour to form the State 
procession and make a solemn entry from the Galerie 
de Diane into the Salon Louis XIV. 

I shall not describe the State balls beyond saying that 
I received an entirely new impression, which was almost 
a revelation to me, of the beauty of the Empress when I 
first saw her seated beside the Emperor on a raised dais, 
whilst the Quadrille d'Honneur was danced before them 
in the Salle des Marechaux. Under the glow of the 
chandeliers, her brow encircled with a dazzling halo of 
diamonds, and enveloped in the splendor of her Imperial 
mantle, she found again all the glory of her youth. I 
could trace in her features and in her eyes that suggestion 
of dreamy languor which may have exprest no more 
than the vague weariness of a mind idly bored with the 
emptiness of official pomp. How beautiful she was then, 
yet how much less alive than at our informal evenings ! 

I shall say nothing more about the State functions, 
nor about the "Mondays" or the concerts; all these have 
been, or will be, described by pens skilled in such work. 
I have likewise nothing to say about the State dinners. 
The Prince was hardly ever present at them, which made 
it unnecessary for his tutor to attend. The "family 

1 Felix was the chief of the ushers, an eccentric and humorous personage, who 
was a mine of information about a host of matters hidden from the vulgar. There- 
fore the classically-minded Conti invariably referred to him as "Felix qui potuit 
rerum cognoscere causas." 

70 



The Napoleonic Mark 



dinners" alone have remained vivid in my memory, not 
because the silver-gilt dinner service presented by the 
City of Paris to Napoleon I was always used on these 
occasions, or because we ate our strawberries and cream 
on Sevres dessert plates upon which some great artist 
had painted a Sevigne or a Montespan, but because these 
dinners were of special interest owing to the presence of 
all the members of the Bonaparte family, who reproduced 
every shade and variation of the original type, each of 
them the heir to some particle of the personality of the 
great Emperor. 

My eyes would continually wander from Prince Na- 
poleon to Cardinal Bonaparte, then to the Comtesse 
Primoli, the daughter of King Joseph, or to Prince Lucien, 
son of the Prince de Canino. The prince-philosopher, 
the pious timid priest, the old scholar deep in his studies 
of pisciculture and philology, the literature-loving Princess 
who was a bit of a blue-stocking — all these had upon them 
the Napoleonic mark, and knew it. 

But it was a silent vision, as the military band played 
at these dinners and rendered conversation impossible. 
On ordinary occasions we never missed a single word 
spoken by the Empress; unfortunately ours were not the 
only ears which listened to the frank and outspoken 
comments on people and things which sometimes escaped 
from her lips. Many of these remarks were quoted the 
next morning in the newspapers, and one journalist in 
particular was most to be dreaded, as he was the most 
accurate in his revelations. I do not remember his real 
nom-de-plume, so I will describe him by that of 
"Testis." 

One evening, when the Empress was playfully alluding 
to those people who treated her with little respect, she 

71 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

said, laughing lightly: "Well, I only hope * Testis' is not 
present." 

" * Testis' was present, Madame," wrote the unknown 
in the morning edition of the paper where the harmless 
incident was fully described. The explanation was, how- 
ever, quite simple. The majority of the servants at the 
Tuileries were respectable, loyal persons, but there were 
some exceptions. Others again, whilst well-intentioned 
and proof against bribery, were foolish enough to let them- 
selves be drawn into talking. It came out that the son of 
one of the stewards, who had been well educated at the 
expense of the Empress, had risen to the position of editor 
of one of the Opposition newspapers, whose methods were 
those of calumny and insult. This man was naturally in a 
position to hear all that transpired at the Tuileries, and he 
used his knowledge in the manner described. 

After dinner the men retired downstairs to smoke, as 
the Emperor's cigaret alone was permitted in the salon, 
where he sat at the end of the table absorbed in playing 
patience. The children played in the Throne Room, for 
children will be children all the world over, and the Throne 
and the heavy draperies of its canopy were ideally suited 
to a game of hide-and-seek. Sometimes they acted char- 
ades which were arranged by M. de Valabregue, who 
claimed to be an expert in such trifles. But apart from the 
fun of dressing up in an old pelisse, or else pretending to be 
a bear, with a fur muff over one's head, or the joy of black- 
ing one's face with burnt cork, I cannot remember that 
these charades achieved any very great measure of success. 

Occasionally the Empress would take one of us with 
her into a quiet corner, and then one of those interminable 
conversations would begin, of the duration of which she 
was never conscious. Those who grew tired of standing 

72 



Evenings at the Tuileries 



would withdraw and seek a seat in another room. She 
never noticed anything, especially if she was relating a 
story: she was very fond of doing this, and she told her 
stories extremely well. 

Whenever she wanted to think, and not to talk, she 
would say to the maids of honor: "Are we not going to 
have a little music this evening?" and one after the other 
the poor girls would go to the piano with an air of resigna- 
tion, and there followed a certain amount of noise, to 
which those present were supposed to listen. 

Sometimes the Emperor summoned us all to play cards, 
and in order to stimulate the players without rousing the 
passions of the gambler, each person received a certain 
number of new coins fresh from the Mint. But no sooner 
did the Emperor notice that the card-players had begun to 
use their own money than he instantly terminated the 
game. Card-playing, like music, was only a means of fil- 
ling up the evening and making some pretense of occupa- 
tion during those long hours of idleness — an idleness which 
covered up the consuming activity of public life. 

I have often wondered what thoughts crossed the mind 
of Napoleon III as he sat arranging his endless patience — 
which, by the way, he would occasionally "dodge" — or as 
he played trente-et-un with us. Did he, the once absolute 
monarch, regret the power which he had, already, half 
abdicated ? 

His thoughts, however, remained a mystery to us. We 
guessed a little of what troubled them both from the 
jumpy and highly strung state in which we sometimes saw 
the Empress. When the Prince had gone to bed and the 
Emperor had retired to his study, the Empress, left alone 
with us, would ask us to read her the reports of the public 
meetings. Paris was then alive with these meetings when 

73 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

everything and everybody connected with the Empire was 
grossly insulted by Megy, Theophore Budaille and other 
grotesque celebrities of the time whose very names are now 
forgotten. It was a cruel ordeal — as I know from bitter 
experience — for the person who had the duty to read out 
before the Empress these offensive ravings. If one 
stopt in confusion she insisted upon hearing everything, 
upon draining the cup of bitterness to the dregs. I can see 
her now listening with a kind of melancholy resignation, 
occasionally broken by a start of pain. One could feel 
already the revolutionary blast. All these speeches, of 
which she tasted the venom, drop by drop, were signs of 
moral insurrection. Sometimes facts followed words, and 
the tumult of the streets reached our ears. Here are some 
notes I wrote on returning to my room during the "white 
overalls" riots in Paris after the elections of 1869: 

"To-night, gala soiree in honor of the Queen of 
Holland and the Grand-Duchess Marie of Russia. The 
Empress presented me to the Queen, saying as she did 
so, 'This is M. Filon, my little boy's tutor!' A State din- 
ner, a command performance, a ball, and then supper. 
During the performance telegram after telegram is 
brought the Emperor, who opens none of them but contin- 
ues to applaud the actors with the greatest unconcern. 
Everyone seems anxious and ill at ease, and many throw 
involuntary glances at the windows which look on the 
Place du Carrousel, over which an angry mob is swarming. 
Waldteufel's orchestra plays its most entrancing waltzes, 
and five or six couples venture on the floor. Waltzing, 
to-night, is an act of loyalty to the Empire. When the 
music stops we can hear the yells of the mob under the 
charges of the police. At supper there are many empty 
tables: to sup is also a proof of courage.'* 

74 



A Comparison with Marie Antoinette 

All our evenings, during long weeks, were more or less 
like that one. It was impossible not to call to mind the 
scenes which had been enacted in this very palace eighty 
years previously, and that other Queen who had gone 
through the same mental anguish. I became obsessed 
with this comparison, and it was with this thought that I 
then read Madame Campan's "Memoirs." I described, 
in a letter to my mother, the impression made upon me by 
their perusal in the following terms : 

"It Is extraordinary how much our own Empress re- 
sembles poor Marie Antoinette. The similarity is most 
striking, especially in their manner of treating their 
entourage and in their friendships. One finds in both the 
same love of homely amusements; the same passion for 
arranging, ornamenting and changing their surroundings; 
the same desire to please; the same haughtiness, followed 
by bursts of sentimental emotion ; the same vivacity, bro- 
ken by short fits of melancholy and bitterness. I find in 
the pages of good Madame Campan remarks which I can 
fancy myself hearing from the Empress's lips. I think I 
may add, too, that in both one sees the same moral virtue 
and the same innocence of heart, and again that desire to 
be popular, rather with the masses than with individuals. 
Please God the conclusion of the drama may be different!" 

At this juncture one question naturally arises: What 
was, in sober fact, the part actually played by the Empress 
in politics } What was this political role of hers, which has 
been so strangely exaggerated and distorted, alike by the 
enemies and by the friends of the Empire? 

I should like to give an answer to this question; but, 
having been an eye-witness only of the latter days, and my 
personal knowledge of the Empress's political action being 
limited to the period of her last Regency, that is to say the 

75 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

weeks immediately preceding the fall of the Empire, I can 
only reply, for the events previous to my arrival at the 
Tuileries, on general impressions fortified by some remin- 
iscences of the Empress herself and on my own knowledge 
of her character, which I believe to be accurate. The 
reader can accept or reject my evidence, according to the 
value he attaches to the writer's judgment. 

Up to the year i860, to the best of my belief, the pop- 
ular verdict on the Empress was that dress and chifons 
absorbed her entire attention. It was from the day when 
the question of Italian unity was definitely raised and 
when this unity, already half achieved, began to threaten 
the temporal power of the Pope, that whispers began to be 
started about the political influence of the Empress. She 
was said to have her "set" — even, it was rumored, her 
"party." I wonder who first invented this "party" of the 
Empress's? Certainly not the Empress, and as certainly 
not the members of the "party," since none existed! 
During my three years of Court life I could never discover 
the least trace of this imaginary party. Were the enemies 
of the Empire, then, the originators of the legend '^. Doubt- 
less they seized upon this political myth and exploited it 
for all it was worth, but the true origin of it was quite 
different. 

Strange to say, it was the Emperor himself who first set 
the ball rolling, and the idea was suggested to him by a 
woman, gifted with more brains than conscience. This 
woman had formerly been his mistress, and she intended to 
remain his confidential adviser. Her beauty had quickly 
faded, but she hoped to maintain her position by sheer 
force of intellect, and to become the close friend and 
trusted counselor of her whom she had betrayed. The 

Empress did not fathom the secret of this machiavellian 

76 



A Fallacy Exposed 



plot, but she showed no willingness to fall in with the 
scheme, which she did not understnd. The idea of 
setting herself up in opposition to the Emperor, from 
whom she had derived all her notions of politics and in 
whose wisdom she placed implicit reliance, would never 
have occurred to her. Still less could she have conceived 
that the Emperor found it to his advantage to allow people 
to believe in such a divergence of policy. Yet this was 
indeed the fact. 

For the policy of the Emperor had actually reached an 
important turning-point. During the previous eight years 
it had been characterized by great directness and by vigor- 
ous unity at home and abroad; it now appeared to waver 
and hesitate. Napoleon III had resolved to organize 
French democracy on Parliamentary lines, and he felt the 
need of establishing, outside the Crown, two great political 
parties upon which he could lean alternately and which 
would ensure the play of free institutions. The Italian 
question provided two convenient platforms on which these 
two parties could organize themselves. Each of them, 
however, was to supplement its attitude on this question 
by a program of action, or of reaction, in home politics. 
One party should urge the Empire forward towards great 
liberal and democratic reforms, the other would hark 
back to the regime of 1852, would insist on the important 
part to be played by the Church in national education and 
in social management, and would keep open before the 
fighting services vistas of great and distant adventures. 

This two-party system has been called the policy of 
"see-saw," because people will always find ugly names to 
stigmatize unsuccessful enterprises or still-born projects. 
Yet nothing could have been more logical or more feasible, 
had these two parties accepted the Emperor, as the 

77 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Emperor accepted them. Could he reasonably foresee 
that these two sets of men, whom everything seemed to 
divide, would eventually unite against him, welded to- 
gether by a common hatred? 

In i860 and during the years that followed It was 
necessary for the Emperor to encourage both parties and 
to maintain the balance between them. Now he had 
already given pledges to carbonarism and even to social- 
ism. The memories of the Romagna rebellion, the writ- 
ings of the prisoner of Ham, not to speak of the letter 
to Edgar Ney, were so many guarantees of good faith to 
the Liberals. The problem was to find a counterpoise to 
these various indications, which pointed to the Emperor as 
being more or less consciously sympathetic with the aims 
of Garibaldi. The solution was to allow the clerical party 
and the ultramontanes to imagine that the Empress was 
on their side, and that her influence was being constantly 
exerted in their favor. Such was the origin of the 
"Empress's party." 

Eugenie was a Spaniard; it was easy to believe her 
superstitious. And so people pictured her ever kneeling 
on the flagged stones In old cathedrals, telling her beads 
in trance-like contemplation of the lighted tapers which 
burned before the shrines of Notre Dame del Pilar or 
Notre Dame d'Atocha. The picture, however, would have 
been very different had they known of her childhood in 
Paris, of the liberal atmosphere in which she grew up, 
storing up in her mind, not saintly legends, but Napoleonic 
memories, as she sat on the knee of the author of the 
"Chartreuse de Parme." She was, indeed, far less super- 
stitious than the Emperor, who wore constantly on his 
person, as protecting talismans, written prayers sent to 
him by unknown women and even a medallion given him 

78 



The " Party of the Empress " 

by Mile. Dejazet before his escape from Ham. It would be 
an exaggeration to say that she was excessively pious, for 
her religious practices were moderate, and at no time of her 
life did she surround herself with priests. She was just a 
good Catholic — and no more. Her respect for priests 
never went to the length of allowing them to interfere 
with her own line of conduct, and I think she was very far 
indeed from approving the notion that they should regu- 
late the affairs of the community. I suppose, although I 
have never heard her say so, that she believed in the neces- 
sity of temporal power to enable the Pope to maintain his 
independence and dignity, but she could not forget ""^X^ 
the ingratitude which the Papacy had shown Napoleon, \y'\j/\ 
and in this, as in everything else, she was at one with her "^ 
husband. If there was a party of the Empress, she never 
belonged to it; she belonged to the Emperor's party. In fTK4>« 
the same way that the wife of a lawyer takes especial 
interest in his cases and the wife of a poet in the success of 
her husband's books, as the wife of an artist often suggests 
ideas for his pictures, is enthusiastic for such and such a 
school of painting, dreams of the medaille (Thonneur or the 
Institute and loathes the critic who speaks slightingly of 
his work, just as the wife of an officer pores over the 
Army List, has all the promotions at her finger-ends and 
shudders at rumors of war, so did the Empress take her 
full share of everything, happy or tragic, that touched 
the Emperor. 

(She had certainly, In politics, her Ideals, or, If one 
prefers It, her Utopias; but politics as a business she 
abhorred. When she was at Camden Place during the 
Emperor's captivity she often showed me letters contain- 
ing a thousand and one more or less silly suggestions 
written from Geneva or Brussels by former ladies of the 

79 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Court who imagined themselves gifted with political in- 
stinct. The Empress would say, in handing me the 
letters: "Can you conceive of any woman wanting to 
meddle in politics unless she is driven to it by circum- 
stances?" The last was unfortunately her case. 
1 1 I have already stated that she was Napoleon Ill's 
second conscience. She put at his service her gift of in- 
tuition, her unerring instinct, and he, who was a firm 
believer in the power of intuition and the infallibility of 
instinct, consulted his wife as some persons consult a 
medium.^ Often he disregarded her advice; sometimes, 
after accepting it, he changed his mind, but she never took 
it ill. 

One evening, during the riots in 1869, of which I have 
already spoken, the Emperor took his wife's arm, intend- 
ing to pay a surprise visit to a detachment of a line regi- 
ment billeted in the great hall known as the "Galerie du 
bord de I'eau." There were rumors of risings in several 
districts of Paris, and there was a possibility of the palace 
being attacked; hence the presence of the troops. The 
men were having their dinner, probably a much better 
meal than usual, and it was expected that the arrival of the 
Sovereigns would electrify their loyalty. 

"Let us go," assented the Empress; but she had not 
yet reached the Galerie de Diane when she stopt dead. 
"This will remind everyone of the dinner of October 2, 
1789, of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette at the banquet 

1 The high opinion which the Emperor had of the political talents of the Empress 
has already been referred to. He was, however, mistaken in her powers when 
he tried to use her for diplomatic negotiations, and I believe Baron de Hub- 
ner's revelations, in his Memoirs, concerning these attempts and their fail- 
ure, to be entirely correct. Evidently the Empress must have been a very 
poor diplomat, if the art of Diplomacy consists in being able to conceal one's 
real intentions, to appear indifferent when one is consumed with anxiety, and, like 
Musset's dancing master, to look to the right when one wants to go to the left. 

80 



The Empress on Reform 



of the Body Guards I " I heard her say, as I was standing 
quite near. "Don't you think so?" she added turning to 
me, evidently appealing to me as to a witness, for she 
could not have thought for a moment that I could have 
presumed to offer advice to my Sovereign. I answered 
by a vague gesture, and the others present did likewise. 
She pursued the subject for some time, speaking excitedly. 
The Emperor returned to the drawing-room without 
saying a word; but the next evening, the circumstances 
being unchanged, the projected visit was carried out. 

In September, 1903, the Empress talked to me very 
frankly about these bygone days. "I was always op- y 
posed," she said, "to the idea of the Emperor going any 
further in his liberal reforms. In my view he should have 
remained as he was, and political freedom would have been 
the gift of his son's accession." 

"Did your Majesty consider," I answered, "the pos- 
sible upheaval which might then have taken place in a 
great country like ours, suddenly emancipated without 
preparation or experience, and intoxicated with its free- 
dom after so many years of subjection? What might not 
have happened in such a case, under an inexperienced 
Prince, perhaps during a Minority?" 

"I relied," replied the Empress, "on the generosity of 

the French nation." 

( However this might be, she had accepted the Emperor's 

decision, and felt that the experiment, once begun, had to 

be loyally carried out. She says this herself in a letter 

which most certainly was not intended for publication. 

The members of the Commission which dealt with the 

"Papers found at the Tuileries" thought fit to see in it 

only the mistakes in spelling. History will find in it, I 

believe, indisputable evidence of the good faith, sense and 

81 — — 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

patriotism of the Empress. The letter, which is addrest 
to the Emperor, runs as follows: 

"My very dear Louis, 

"I am writing to you on my way down the Nile. . . . 
I have news of you and of Louis every day by telegraph. 
This is wonderful and very delightful to me, for I feel 
linked with my dear home shores by this wire which con- 
nects me with all I love. ... 

"I was very worried about yesterday's event, and to 
know that you were in Paris without me, but all went well, 
as I see by your telegram. ... I feel that you must not 
get disheartened and that you should persevere in the 
course you have mapped out. ... I hope you will take 
this line in your address. 

"I am perhaps too far away and out of touch with 
events to speak in this way, but I feel thoroughly con- 
vinced that continuity of policy is the only real strength. 
I dislike violent changes, and do not believe that it is pos- 
sible to bring off a coup d'etat twice in one reign. I am 
really talking at random, for I am preaching to one con- 
verted, and who knows more of the subject than I do, but 
I must say something if only to prove to you what you 
know already, that my heart is near to you both ; and if, 
on peaceful days, my truant mind loves to wander off into 
space, it is with the two of you I want to be when trouble 
and anxiety are near. Here, far from men and things, 
there is an atmosphere of peace which does good to the 
soul, and I am apt to fancy that all is well, because I know 
nothing." 

This letter, which I have not given in its entirety, is an 

invaluable document, as from it one could reconstruct the 

82 



Emile Ollivier's Ministry 



whole character of the Empress if all other evidence were 
missing. It is all there — her outspoken candor tempered 
by real humility, her fundamental and incorruptible sin- 
cerity, with that combination of heroism and shrewdness, 
of common sense and imagination, which made of this 
Spaniard a perfect Frenchwoman, and with that direct and 
simple tenderness as wife and mother, so different from 
that tragic and grandiose attitude which some people 
would make us believe was hers. ( Above all it is easy to see 
in what sense and to what extent she felt herself entitled to 
giye advice, and the tone she adopted in doing so. In 
nine cases out of ten she was the echo of the Emperor's 
own thoughts. 
/ When the Ministry of January 2, 1870, came into 
^ office, M, Emile Ollivier's first act was to preclude the 
Empress from attending the Council of Ministers as she 
had done for so many years. During our conversation 
of September, 1903, she reminded me of this, and I 
criticized severely the action of the then Prime Minister. 
"But why blame him?" she replied. "After all, it was 
quite a logical conclusion that I had no further need to 
learn a business with which I had no more to do." 

We shall see later that circumstances compelled her 
return to the effective chairmanship of the Council of 
Ministers, and M. OUivier himself had to beg her to attend. 
But that day was as yet distant, and a feeling of optimism 
prevailed in Parliamentary and Ministerial circles. This 
feeling of optimism spread even to the palace, on the 
morrow of the plebiscite, and for a moment I could believe 
that the Empire would endure. 



83 



CHAPTER V 

THE REGENCY (July 28-August 7, 1870) 

SAINT CLOUD had never seemed more beautiful 
than in the summer of 1870, and never had I felt so 
intensely the atmosphere of majestic repose which, 
for me, belongs to this great residence. Altho the pleb- 
iscite of May 8 had not produced all the results hoped 
for, it had greatly deprest the extremists, and this feel- 
ing of discouragement had brought the Government ap- 
preciable relief. This state of affairs was very welcome to 
us after the constant unrest and excitement of the last 
year. We still dared not hope for permanent happiness 
in the future, but we began to believe in the possibility of 
a peaceful to-morrow! 

There was, however, no question of entertaining; the 
only wish of the sovereigns was for complete rest and 
quiet. Those who had known the Court ten or twelve 
years earlier in the days of the great cocodettes would 
never have recognized it. "The Court is nothing but a 
boarding-school," said one of the gentlemen in the smok- 
ing-room. And another replied in an acid tone: "You 
mean a nursery!" As a matter of fact, the two nieces of 
the Empress, the two daughters of Mme. Walewska (the 
elder of whom was almost a child), the Prince and his 
friend Louis Conneau constituted a very youthful group, 
which was reinforced by the two maids of honor. Mile, 
de Larminat and Mile. d'Elbee. This happy, playful, 
chattering world, disturbed only by passing quarrels, was 
indeed vastly different from the atmosphere of intrigue 

and plotting of a former day. 

84 



Lull Before Tempest 



My room, on the second floor, looked out on the great 
avenue of chestnut trees which stretches on a long upward 
slope behind the chateau in the direction of Villeneuve. 

From this sanctum I could often hear someone strum- 
ming on the piano, someone else reading aloud, peals of 
laughter, which echoed from room to room and were lost 
at last in the vastness of the chateau. Then silence fell, 
a deep silence, unbroken save for the incessant whispering 
of the leaves and the distant murmur of the fountains. In 
this peaceful environment it was easy to forget the exis- 
tence of that great city ever seething with feverish agita- 
tion, but which was nevertheless still discernible, envel- 
oped in its curtain of mist, from the highest windows of 
the eastern front of the palace. 

Twice a week, about ten o'clock, a strange procession 
ascended the slope and entered the courtyard of the 
palace. This procession consisted of a string of about ten 
carriages, in which sat the Ministers who had come to 
attend the council, and who would afterwards lunch with 
the Imperial family and the members of the household. 
These gentlemen took good care never to mention politics 
to us, and as soon as they were gone Saint Cloud resumed 
its appearance of melancholy and lonely grandeur, which 
was only disturbed by the sound of childish voices in some 
distant corners. 

I have delayed almost involuntarily to recall the mem- 
ories of these last untroubled days, this final lull before 
the tempest burst which was to sweep away the 
palace and those who lived in it. I can remember nothing 
very definite occurring at this time, and no particular inci- 
dent excepting Prevost-Paradol's visit to the Empress. 
This was not long before the final catastrophe, and Pre- 
vost-Paradol had just accepted the position of Minister 

85 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

at Washington: he had been advised to make this visit, 
and he had agreed, I imagine, with no great enthusiasm. 
The Empress, however, who was very anxious to create a 
good impression on M. Prevost-Paradol, made careful en- 
quiries about him, gave particular instructions for his 
reception, and told me to receive him and present him 
to her. 

I therefore met Prevost-Paradol as he entered the first 
drawing-room, and introduced myself. "The Empress," 
I said, "wishes that an old student of the Ecole Normale 
should act as her chamberlain to-day, in order that you 
may feel at home and with friends from the moment you 
cross this threshold." He smiled, but said nothing: per- 
haps because he was at a loss how to reply, perhaps be- 
cause he was out of breath through having come upstairs 
too quickly. When he left at the end of a quarter of an 
hour he was equally taciturn, and gave no hint of the im- 
pression he had received. 

The Empress pronounced his manners perfect, but 
she seemed slightly disconcerted, and, to be plain, a little 
disappointed by his chilling attitude; the greatness of the 
man had not been apparent. 

The days which elapsed between the first rumors of 
war and the departure of the Emperor to join the army 
have left me nothing beyond the chaotic and confused 
memories of a dreadful nightmare. Hardly had we been 
alarmed by the candidature of a Hohenzollern Prince for 
the Spanish throne than our minds were set at ease by 
his father's renunciation of his son's claims, but no sooner 
did we breathe freely than some new cause for anxiety 
arose. One day it was Emile Ollivier who startled the 
echoes of the Palais-Bourbon with his famous words: 
"The incident is closed!" and the next day we were 

86 



Outbreak of War 



confronted by the bellicose note issued by the Due de 
Gramont demanding a formal renunciation, present and 
future, on the part of the head of the House of Hohen- 
zollern, the King of Prussia himself. The Ems incident 
was the retort to this note, and was itself answered by a 
declaration of war. We had no time to collect our 
thoughts, or even to breathe, and we passed from a state 
of complete security and pleasant lethargy to one of the 
most intense anxiety. 

What were the thoughts of the Emperor? His thoughts 
were a complete mystery to us all; even the former mem- 
bers of the household who were deputies^ had to 
ask for a special audience whenever they wished to dis- 
cuss any political question with him. 

I have seen the Marquis d'Havrincourt, who exercised 
deservedly very considerable influence in Parliament, 
leave the palace after his term of attendance lasting for 
a fortnight without having exchanged five minutes' con- 
versation with the Emperor. But in face of this, if one 
refers to the newspapers of the day, they will be found 
full of denunciations against "the evil ascendancy of the 
entourage." M. Thiers said to all who cared to listen: 
"We shall not have war, the Emperor does not wish it." 
I have since known that M. Thiers was right. However, 
on July 15, 1870, we did not know as much as we do 
now, and directly lunch with the Ministers was over, we 
all rushed to get the newspapers and read the latest news. 
r The Empress, as a rule, never troubled to conceal her 
I thoughts, but in these days of doubt and waiting she felt 
it necessary to be cautious. M. Thiers, who knew the 
truth, but who often preferred its opposite in practice, did 

^ A recent law had been passed requiring such members of the household to choose 
between their office at Court and thei-r parliamentary duties. 

87 



1/ 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

not scruple at a later date to circulate a fictitious remark 
which the Empress was supposed to have miade in the 
course of conversation with M. Lesourd, a well-known 
diplomat; this remark would have thrown upon her the 
responsibility for the disaster which overwhelmed France. 
In fact the Empress was reported to have said to M. 
Lesourd: "This war is my war!" 

M. Rouher sent for M. Lesourd and questioned him: 
"Did the Empress really say these words to you?" 

"Never." 

"Then did she say anything like them?" 

*'The Empress never said these words or any similar 
ones." 

"Are you willing to put down this statement in writing 
and bear witness to the truth?" 

"Yes, certainly." 

"And will you authorize me to publish it?" 

"Undoubtedly." 

M. Rouher took this letter to the Empress, but he 
thought it only right to tell her that M. Lesourd's ruin 
was certain if he gave the lie direct to the head of the 
Government, and also that it was necessary for M. Le- 
sourd to retain his employment in order to live. The 
Empress said nothing, but locked the letter away in a 
drawer, where doubtless it has remained to this day. 
\ During our exile the Empress explained to me with 
the utmost frankness what she really felt, and the part ske 
had played when war was declared between France and 
Germany. What, then, was her part? Five words will 
suffice. She played no part whatever. As for her feelings, 
they were those of the majority of Frenchwomen. She 
had been told that war was inevitable, and that immediate 
action was preferable to letting the chances of success 



A Pilgrimage to the Malmaison 

gradually diminish with the years. She believed this, and 
it is difficult to see how she could have done otherwise, as 
she always deferred respectfully to the superior knowl- 
edge of experts and specialists. She therefore accepted 
the conflict as a painful necessity. ) , 

As for the Prince Imperial, so soon as he knew that 
he would go to the front his delight was unbounded, and 
he was rather vexed with me for being so deprest. 

The last excursion which the Empress made with the 
Prince Imperial before he left was a pilgrimage to the 
Malmaison. We drove thither in wagonettes, and entered 
the park by a gate from the open country. We crossed 
the charming lawns and the bowling-green where Bourri- 
enne had sighed for the love of young Hortense de Beau- 
harnais, and when we entered the house the Empress 
acted as our guide. 

"These are the embroidery wools belonging to the 
Empress Josephine," she said, showing us a work-basket 
containing a quantity of tangled skeins of wool. 

I was most imprest by the First Consul's study, 
which was an imitation of an army tent, being draped with 
striped blue and white canvas. But everything smelt of 
damp and mildew, and, even on this bright summer day, 
the house and gardens had a melancholy and deserted 
appearance in keeping with the sinister memories which 
the name of the place recalls. 

I was present when the Emperor received the address 
of the Senate. The presentation took place in the Galerie 
de Diane which extended almost entirely over the first 
floor of the left wing of the Tuileries, and was furnished 
with antique cabinets and beautiful bronzes. I believe I 
am right in saying it was in this hall that the crown of 

89 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

France was offered to Napoleon I by the representatives 
of the nation. 

The Senators of 1870 arrived in a state of great ex- 
citement, but the gloomy, almost dejected mien of the 
Emperor, so different from his habitual public manner, 
absolutely froze the hearts of his listeners, and I can still 
see the expression on their faces when the Emperor spoke 
the words: 

"We are about to commence a long and arduous war." 

After the reception I heard many adverse comments 
very freely exprest. 

It was in this same hall, towards the end of July — 
the evening of the 27th if my memory serves me right — 
that all the officers and ladies of the household then 
in residence, numbering about forty, were invited to 
dine and bid farewell to the Emperor and the Prince. 
(During dessert the Guards' band played the "Mar- 
seillaise" for the first time since its prohibition eight- 
een years previously. That evening, I also remember, 
witnessed a wonderful display of shooting stars, and one 
of the young ladies assured me with the utmost gravity 
that if we had time to say "Victory" before the star went 
out the success of our arms would be a foregone conclusion. 

The Emperor left Paris on July 28. The special train 
in which he traveled was drawn up near the Orleans gate 
on a private line which left the enclosed part of the park] 
and joined the main line from Paris to Versailles. The 
departure was of a strictly private character, and only the 
Ministers of State and the members of the household wit- 
nessed the farewells of the Imperial family. To the last 
minute the Empress maintained a calm and smiling de- 
meanor. Just as the train was slowly moving off she 

called out to the Prince: 

90 



The Emperor Leaves for the Front 

"I trust, Louis, that you will do your duty." 

The Emperor and the Prince who were standing close 
to the half-lowered window of the carriage both answered 
the Empress, but I could not catch what they said, as 
their words were lost in the cheers of those on the plat- 
form, and a few seconds later the cry of "Long live the 
Emperor!" was taken up by the waiting crowds outside. 
This was the last time that I heard this loyal cry in 
France^,. 

As I was returning to the Tuileries with M. de Parieu, V, 
the Empress drove by. She was alone in her carriage 
with the Princess Clotilde, and both she and the Princess 
were in tears. M. de Parieu, who knew my opinions, 
turned to me and said as the carriage disappeared : ,^. 

(( "You know, of course, that everyone says the Empress i 

has been exerting her influence for war? Well, I happen 
to know that this is untrue. The other day when I was 
leaving the council, she said to me, *What do you think 
of all this, M. de Parieu.?* I replied: 'Madame, I think 
that if England were to offer her mediation, we should be 
very wrong not to accept it.' And she answered: 'I think 
so too. ' " I 

The Emperor's chief secretary, M. Conti, was absent, 
taking the waters at Orezza, on account of serious illness. 
The confidential secretary, Franceschini Pietri, had gone 
with Napoleon III to the front, and as there could be no 
question of M. Damas Hinard, the Empress's private 
secretary, taking any part in political affairs, it was 
arranged that I should act as secretary to the Regent, 
and in this capacity I was entrusted with the cipher used 
in the correspondence between the Sovereigns. 

I thought at first that my duties would be merely a 

sinecure. The Empress had no experience, or conception, 

91 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

of the routine and work thrown upon the effective head 
of a State. Besides, she was never consulted, and could 
barely count on being informed of decisions after they had 
been taken. She was Regent in name only, and she 
wielded no power as Regent. So that I was far from 
realizing the part which circumstances, combined with her 
own force of character, would assign to her in the direction 
of political affairs. 

However, after two or three days I began to under- 
stand her better. She put aside paper work, red tape, and 
Cabinet routine, but she had mapped out a clear line of 
conduct with a double end in view, which she hoped to 
attain through her woman's wit and resource. This 
double end was: firstly, to gain adherents in the ranks of 
the various opposition parties and thereby to unite them in 
a common patriotic enthusiasm; and secondly, to gain 
allies for France among the foreign Powers. 

In order to carry out the first part of the program it 
was necessary to quiet the Press, which now displayed a 
general tone of violence and denunciation, j The Empress 
therefore asked me to write to Paul de Cassagnac and 
appeal to his generosity, his loyalty and his political 
wisdom. M. de Cassagnac answered my letter at once, 
and his reply left nothing to be desired. At the same time 
the Empress sent me to interview M. Adelon, Emile 
Ollivier's secretary, and ask him to moderate his zeal in 
a certain affair then pending which concerned the life of 
two Paris newspapers; one, La Presse, was unable to pay 
a fine for some misdemeanor and in consequence was 
liable to be supprest, dragging with it in its fall Le 
Rappel, another important newspaper. 

I saw at once that M. Adelon had an entirely erroneous 
idea of the Regent's character: he thought at first that I 

92 



England Stands Aloof 



had come to insist upon measures of exceptional severity, 
possibly even to demand the heads of the accused journal- 
ists. He was therefore very surprized when he found 
that the Empress was more liberal in her ideas than he 
was himself! But he did not attempt to disguise his 
opinion — which I fully shared — that in dealing with 
members of the opposition generosity would only be 
regarded as a sign of weakness, and would not arouse any 
feelings of gratitude. He was in favor of letting things 
take their course, subject to granting a free pardon to the 
offending La Presse if that paper asked for it. 

"And what if La Presse does not?^^ I asked. 

Monsieur Adelon did not reply, but he made a vague 
gesture which might have signified: "Well, in this case we 
shall wash our hands of them." I made my adieux shortly 
afterwards, and reported the result of the interview to the 
Empress, who still persisted in her attempt at conciliation. 
The affair of La Presse and La Rappel, which had been set 
down for the next day, was postponed for a week, and 
after that never appeared again in the cause list.^ 

Of far greater importance was the question of foreign 
alliances. From the first hour of war England stood aloof 
from us : Lord Granville, who was in Paris, first concealed 
his whereabouts and then vanished; Lord Lyons, the Eng- 
lish Ambassador, had been also told to remain invisible. 
The task of awakening the memory and the conscience of 
Italy fell to Prince Napoleon, the son-in-law of Victor Em- 
manuel. At St. Petersburg we had an exceptionally able 
representative who stood high in Court favor; of this I had 

^ Some years after my interview with M. Adelon one of the newspapers which 
owed its salvation to my visit to the Place Vendome, announcing the death of my 
father, mistook him for me and pronounced my funeral oration in these words: 
"We are well rid of one more of that crowd." But it was fortunate for 
the newspaper in question that I did not entertain similar feelings towards it in 
July, 1870! 

93 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

proof later on, when I saw the consideration and sympathy 
which Alexander II showed to him. Less than ten days 
before the Revolution broke out General Count Fleury 
had obtained serious guarantees from the Tsar, involving 
the intervention of Russia on the questions of maintenance 
of the dynasty and the integrity of French territory. ) 
VThe Empress reserved to herself the task of influenc- 
ing Austria through Prince Metternich. She had a 
lengthy conversation with him which cannot have been de- 
void of interest or result, since the Empress decided to 
report it to the Emperor in person. I was actually making 
arrangements to accompany her on her journey to Metz 
when events intervened to prevent her from carrying out 
this plan. 

As early as July 30, that is to say on the next day but 
one after Napoleon III had left for Metz, the Empress 
had received a letter from him which threw her into a 
state of the utmost consternation. The Emperor said that 
on his arrival he had found everywhere confusion, disor- 
der and quarreling, and that nothing was in readiness for 
the advance ! Now the Emperor, who knew only too well 
our inferiority in numbers, had trusted that the rapidity 
of the French mobilization would give us the advantage 
over the proverbial slowness of the Germans. It was upon 
this belief that his plan of campaign was founded. He 
hoped by a double thrust to separate North Germany from 
South Germany, and so allow the latter to shake off her 
yoke, not as yet firmly established, and under our auspices 
to avenge herself for the humiliation of 1866. In the 
event of this Austria would no longer hesitate to declare 
herself on the side of France.^ But the plan was hope- 

* The Emperor has explained this plan of campaign in the pamphlet: "On the 
causes which contributed to the capitulation of Sedan," by "a staff-captain." I 
saw him write this at Chislehurst. 

94 



The Engagement at Sarrebruck 

less as soon as it became clear that the commander-in-chief 
had only half the expected number of men available, and 
that the transport and supply services were non-existent 
and had not even begun to be organized, j 

The gloomy tone of this letter had profoundly im- 
prest the Empress; it foreshadowed the coming dis- 
asters. However, on August 2 a joint telegram from the 
Emperor and the Prince Imperial reached Saint Cloud, an- 
nouncing the French advance and the engagement at Sar- 
rebriick. The text of the Emperor's telegram, which was 
of an absolutely private nature and which the Empress 
wished to keep to herself, was published by order of the 
Ministry, and caused a storm of pitiless raillery from the 
opposition Press. This is what the telegram contained: 
(^ "Louis has just received his baptism of fire. His 
coolness was admirable. He was as unconcerned as if he 
had been strolling in the Bois de Boulogne. 

"One of General Frossard's divisions has carried the 
heights which dominate the left bank of the river at Sarre- 
brtlck. The Prussians made only a slight resistance. 
There was only desultory rifle and artillery fire. We were 
in the front line, but the shots fell at our feet. Louis has 
kept a bullet which fell close to where he was standing. 
Some of the soldiers wept when they saw him so cool. 

"Our losses are — one ofiicer killed and ten men 
wounded." 

I wrote at once to the Prince and received a reply from 
him on the afternoon of August 4. This letter (the con- 
tents of which I have given in my book on the Prince 
Imperial) gave one last moment of happiness to the 
Empress. Even as she read the letter the fatal action of 
Wissembourg, where General Abel Douay fell, was open- 
ing the long series of our reverses. The news of this 

95 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

disaster reached Saint Cloud during the night of August 
4-5, but the people of Paris heard of it only at two o'clock 
on August 5, when the announcement was posted at the 
Bourse, and, as everyone knows, it was impossible to have 
chosen a worse hour for such a disclosure, or one more 
likely to throw the market off its balance. 

Lavisse, who came to see me at Saint Cloud, called 
my attention to this and to its probable consequences, and 
I communicated his report to the Empress. I do not know 
whether this ill-advised measure was actually due to M. 
Chevandier de Valdrome, Minister of the Interior, or to 
the Prime Minister. I merely emphasize the fact that the 
Regent had no responsibility whatever for it. 

During the next twenty-four hours Paris was in a state 
of ever-increasing ferment. Popular anger ran high and, 
having no other outlet, vented itself in the wreckage of 
one or two offices of money-changers with German names. 
Suddenly, towards noon, the news of a great victory 
gained by MacMahon spread like a train of gunpowder, 
and all the central quarters of Paris gave themselves up to 
an orgy of rejoicing. The reporters, all agog, besieged the 
Ministry of the Interior, and speculation on the Bourse 
rose by leaps and bounds. But we knew nothing at Saint 
Cloud, and Clement Duvernois sent one of his sub-editors 
to tell us what was happening in Paris. 

This person arrived at Saint Cloud at about three 
o'clock, and after hearing what he had to relate, the 
Empress ordered the Marquis de Piennes and myself to 
go instantly to Paris. The report had been officially 
denied when we arrived, but half the city was still dec- 
orated: in places people were still rejoicing, while else- 
where the disappointed and infuriated populace de- 
manded that the flags should be taken down. I went 

96 



Paris under Martial Law 



to the Place Beauvau, and to the Place Vendome; I spoke 
to several well-known politicians, all of them very uneasy, 
and amongst others to the Chief of Police, who remarked: 
"We are in for a warm time to-night." 

At half-past nine we returned to Saint Cloud. We 
found the Empress in the middle drawing-room on the 
first floor next the library. She had with her the Princess 
d'Essling (mistress of the household); Princess de la 
Moskowa and the Comtesse de Rayneval (who were in 
attendance as ladies-in-waiting); the Comtesse Clary, 
whose husband was a member of the Prince Imperial's 
suite; Prince Metternich, who had dined at Saint Cloud 
that evening; her two nieces, Marie, Duchesse de Galisteo, 
and Louise, Duchesse de Montoro; their governess. Mile. 
Redel; the Comte de Cosse-Brissac, chamberlain on duty; 
Admiral Jurien de la Graviere, aide-de-camp to the Em- 
peror (who had been entrusted by the Emperor with the 
care of the Empress, a duty which he performed with sig- 
nal devotion) ; Lieutenant Eugene Conneau, a naval aide- 
de-camp attached to the person of the Empress; possibly 
two or three more were present whose names I have for- 
gotten. 

{General Lepic came into the room with us. He had 
brought an order for the Empress's signature which would 
put Paris under martial law, and a letter from Emile 
Ollivier In which he begged the Empress in view of the 
gravity of the situation "to return to Paris Immediately 
with all the troops at her disposal." We looked at each 
other aghast. The troops at the disposal of the Empress 
consisted of i6o men at the depot of the Guards Light 
Infantry. No matter! The Empress meekly signed the 
decree and promised General Lepic that she would return 
to the Tuilerles. \ 

97 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

The Empress then retired to her own rooms, General 
Lepic left for Paris, the ladies talked among themselves, 
and M. de Piennes and I went downstairs to get some- 
thing to eat. We had hardly sat down when a telegram 
was brought in from General Headquarters. 

We at once went back to one of the drawing-rooms, 
where we deciphered the contents of the telegram with 
the aid of M. de Cosse-Brissac. The first words fully 
revealed the horror of the situation. Imagine, at that late 
hour, the great silent room and the three men on their 
knees, haggard and perspiring, bending over the key chart 
spread out on the floor, spelling out with despair in their 
hearts the fatal telegram which had brought through the 
night the tidings of disaster and of which every word was 
a hammer-blow. 

("Our troops," thus ran the fatal cipher, "are in full 
retreat. Nothing must be thought of now beyond the 
defense of the capital." 

, A second telegram followed almost immediately, an- 
nouncing the defeat of MacMahon at Reichshoffen, which 
coincided with the defeat of Frossard at Forbach. Two 
great reverses in one day! There had never been a par- 
allel case in the history of France. The second tele- 
gram concluded, it is true, with these words: "All may 
yet be regained," but after what went before this conclu- 
sion seemed absurd. 

By this time we were stunned and almost stupefied 
with the horror which overwhelms the first recipients of 
bad news whose unpleasant duty it is to announce it to 
the world. 

It was then half-past eleven. 

"Who is going to tell the Empress?" asked the Mar- 
quis de Piennes. 

98 



Disaster ! 

M. de Brissac and I were silent. But M. de Piennes 
was a man of energy who made up his mind quickly. 

"Very well," said he, "I will go myself." 

The Marquis returned after five minutes looking very 
pale, and his first words were: --^s^jt/N \M*^ "^ 

X "Do you know what she said? 'The dynasty is lost; 
we must think only of France.' " , 

These words gave us strength; the Empress's influence 
was already working on us, as it was to work on all those 
who were to approach her during those memorable weeks. 
This was the real woman, she whom Admiral Jurien de- 
lighted to compare with Chimene. But how vastly greater 
than Chimene, since without a moment's hesitation she 
sacrificed her own greatness and that of her husband and 
her son to the national honor. 

Some may say, "These were only words!" But I 
reply to such people that these words were no vain words. 
They were the expression of a certain line of conduct 
which she followed unswervingly, as will be shown. 

In less than a quarter of an hour after the Empress 
had received the news of the disaster, she came back to 
the drawing-room, where the ladies, now aware of the 
dreadful events of the day, were still sitting. The Princess 
d'Es sling came forward with outstretched arms weeping 
bitterly. 

"Ah, Madame!" she sobbed. 

"No sentiment, I implore you," replied the Empress. 
"I need all my courage." 

I went to awaken the admiral, whose invincible opti- 
mism now asserted itself. As we came downstairs he 
indulged in a characteristic remark: 

"Well, after all, it might have been worse," said the 
admiral. 

99 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

How typical of a sailor who has braved innumerable 
tempests! The admiral possest the gift of Hope, which 
often endows one with the power to act. All that the 
admiral remembered of these dreadful telegrams was that 
last line: "All may yet be regained!" 

The Empress decided to return to the Tuileries that 
very night, and telegrams were dispatched to summon 
thither the members of the Privy Council and the Min- 
isters. M. de Brissac and I left in advance to make 
the necessary arrangements, and at a quarter to two in 
the morning we alighted outside the Pavilion de I'Horloge. 
Marshal Baraguay d'Hilliers, who had been ordered to 
attend at midnight, had been walking about under the 
arch for two hours in an icy wind. He was furious, and 
hardly condescended to answer us when we begged him 
to enter the palace. The Prefet of the Seine, Henri 
Chevreau, and General d'Antemarre, commanding the 
National Guards of the Seine, were also present. At 
three o'clock the Empress arrived, and the council began 
its sitting under her chairmanship, which was, this time, 
a very real chairmanship, as everyone realized. The 
presidents of the two chambers, Rouher and Schneider, 
were present at this meeting, which General Chabaud- 
Latour and General Trochu were invited to attend, the 
latter being brought by Emile Ollivier. General Trochu 
was very popular at the moment, as he had recently aired 
his views on military reorganization, which were opposed 
to those of the Government, in a pamphlet, the publica- 
tion of which constituted a breach of military discipline. 
It was therefore quite to be expected that the public, who 
always applaud insubordination, should have made a hero 
of General Trochu. ) As to the technical value of his 
criticisms on the Government scheme, that could only 

lOO 



Back at the Tuileries 



be assessed with accuracy by members of his own pro- 
fession. 

Thus, on this fateful night, the Empress first made the 
acquaintance of General Trochu's wordy eloquence, with 
which she was destined soon to become familiar. When 
the sitting was over and the Ministers had gone, M. 
Trochu still talked on to two or three unimportant listen- 
ers, including Eugene Conneau and myself. I believe he 
would have harangued the ushers if we had gone away. 

I lay down to sleep fully drest on a sofa in one of 
the drawing-rooms on the ground floor. When I opened 
my eyes I was much surprized to see, standing by the 
couch, Mme. Walewska, who had awakened me by a 
tap on the shoulder. It took me a minute or two to 
remember where I was, and what had happened, and 
why this apparition replaced the honest face of my man, 
Pestel, who called me every morning. It happened 
that Mme. Walewska had come to the Tuileries to learn 
what had transpired, and she had wandered about the 
palace until she found herself at the Empress's door. 
There she was told that the Regent wished to see 
me, and Mme. Walewska at once volunteered to go 
in search of me. This alone serves to show what a state 
of confusion reigned in the palace; there were no serv- 
ants about, no sentries, and the furniture was still 
enveloped in its hoUand coverings which the Empress 
would not allow to be removed. During the course of the 
next month we led an absolutely Bohemian existence. We 
slept and ate where, when and in what fashion we could, 
we worked at any table that happened to be vacant. In a 
word, we were encamped at the Tuileries. 

Mme. Lebreton Bourbaki, sister of the general com- 
manding the Imperial Guard, and who acted as reader to 

lOI 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

the Empress, had a bed made up for herself in a room ad- 
joining the dressing-room, a room in which the Prince had 
worked during a whole winter whilst the Pavilion de Flore 
was being re-decorated and re-furnished. In this little 
room Mme. Lebreton Bourbaki was at all times within call 
of the Empress, and from the night of August 7 until her 
death, more than thirty years later, she never left the Em- 
press. At the time of which I write it happened more than 
once that both Mme. Lebreton and myself waited on the 
Empress, and altho I am the least servile of men, the 
memory of this service, inspired by devotion, and accepted 
by affection, appears to me in no way irksome. 

August 7 fell on a Sunday. The Regent attended 
early Mass in the chapel of the Tuileries, and she then 
asked me to go to the Place Vendome with a message to 
the Prime Minister. I found the Premier fast asleep in 
a little room on the ground floor, destitute of almost any 
furniture save a bed. It appeared that on his return from 
the palace he had slept in this uncomfortable room in 
order not to disturb Mme. Ollivier. I roused him in the 
same manner in which I had been awakened an hour 
earlier — a duty one is often called upon to render in time of 
war or revolution, and surely we were then the victims of 
one of these evils, and living in constant dread of the other. 

Ollivier was full of energy and resource, and he had 
nothing but praise for the attitude and language of the 
Empress at the council on the preceding night. "She 
was wonderful," he said, "everybody was immensely 
imprest."^ 

* We are able to trace the echo of this feeling in the evidence given before the Com- 
mission of Inquiry upon the events of the Fourth of September, not only by the ad- 
/ herents of the dynasty, but by men who cannot be suspected of possessing any lean- 

p ings towards Imperialism. 'The Empress," said General Chabaud-Latour, * addrest 

^' us in a most worthy and noble manner." 

I02 



The Empress's Manifesto 



T^ 



vl left Emile Ollivier on the arrival of the Ministers 
who were again meeting to hold a council, as they wished 
to discuss the terms of their proclamation, which was 
posted about noon, together with a manifesto by the 
Regent. The Regent's manifesto was the work of M. de 
Lezay-Marnesia, who had occupied the position of first 
chamberlain to the Empress since the death of the Due 
Tascher de la Pagerie: it was not amiss, but it would 
have been better if the Empress had relied upon herself 
alone for its composition. At a quarter to eight that 
evening the Prime Minister sent the following telegram 
to the Emperor: 

"Public opinion remains excellent. The first general 
astonishment and intense grief have been succeeded by 
confidence and enthusiasm. Even the revolutionary party 
goes with the tide. One or two wretches who shouted 
'Long live the Republic!' have been arrested by the 
pf'Dple themselves. Every time the National Guard ap- 
pears it is greeted with cheers. Thus — have no fear for 
us, and think only of giving the enemy the punishment 
we are all praying for. We are ready to make all nec- 
essary sacrifices. 

"We are all united, and we discuss affairs in complete 
accord with the Privy Council. 

"The Empress enjoys good health. She has shown 
us all a wonderful example of strength, courage and 
nobility of soul. 

"We are more than ever at heart devoted to you." 

This telegram does honor to M. Ollivier, but it shows 
that he was deceived on certain points, notably those con- 
cerning the patriotism of the extremists and his own 
situation before the country and the Chamber. Even 

103 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

^: i — ^ 

when the war had been popular, Ollivier did not benefit by 
this popularity. After our disasters, how was it possible to 
persuade a nation placed in a situation of the greatest peril 
that the men who could save it were Louvet, Chevandier 
de Valdrome and Maurice Richard? They were fine- 
weather ministers — not ministers who could weather the 
storm of war. 

With a lack of justice which would have been cowardly 
J if the public had been in a normal frame of mind, general 
opinion turned abruptly against Ollivier, and held him 
responsible for a war into which he had been drawn abso- 
lutely against his wish. Even the most impartial asked 
whether this great Liberal orator, so excellent as an 
organizer of constitutional democracy, was the right man 
to save the country in its hour of need. 

Hated by his old friends of the Left, who looked upon 
him as a traitor, and always suspected by the Right, the 
Prime Minister, since the taking of the plebiscite and the 
retirement of Messieurs Buffet, de Talhouet and Daru, 
received only tepid sympathy from the Left Center, which 
obeyed the dictates of M. Thiers. It remained for him to 
prove the disloyalty of the Right Center, his chief support, 
and until then his faithful legion. 

He was soon enlightened on this point. The Corps 

legislatif had been convened in the first instance for the 

nth, but afterwards, at the request of M. Schneider, the 

earlier date of Tuesday, the 9th, was fixt. 

(It will be seen what an error had been committed, at the 

time of the Emperor's departure, in restricting the power 

of the Regent within such narrow limits, and those chiefly 

responsible for laying down these limits were afterwards 

the first to advise her to transcend them. She had, indeed, 

gone beyond them when she had proclaimed a state of 

104 



Insecurity of Emile Ollivier 

martial law, and she did so again when she summoned 
urgently the Corps legislatif without referring to the 
Emperor. She was now about to still further exceed her 
powers by forming a Cabinet. 

"Your Majesty," I said, "is acting in a revolutionary 
manner." 

"I must," she answered. 

She was vexed at having to act in this manner, because 
she was always one of the greatest believers in legal 
methods, and she felt that her action had prepared the way 
for the unconstitutional proposals which were put forward 
during the following weeks. But she yielded to an im- 
perious necessity. It is, however, necessary to observe 
that none of the acts of the Empress challenged the 
national will, but her usurpation of power, if one can so 
describe it, infringed only the prerogative of the Emperor. 
This was in some sense a domestic affair, a question be- 
tween the wife and her husband. 

Hardly had the Corps legislatif reassembled than the 
three groups of this Chamber which were loyal to the 
dynasty each sent two deputies to the Empress, begging 
her to form a new Ministry. I only remember the names 
of two of these six ambassadors, simply because they hap- 
pened to take opposite views as regards the appointment 
of General Trochu. These gentlemen were M. de Dal- 
mas and M. Dugue de la Fauconnerie. But all were 
unanimous as to the desirability of dismissing Emile 
Ollivier. 

( "I have not the right," answered the Empress, "to 
dismiss the Ministry; but, in view of the urgency, I 
believe it will be my duty to replace the Ministry if you 
upset it." 

Indeed, in the circumstances in which we found our- 

los 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

selves, it seemed our duty to prepare the solution of a 
ministerial crisis before it took place. Government could 
not remain in abeyance even for twenty-four hours. So 
during August 7 and 8 there was a continual coming 
and going of politicians. From the very first hour, simply 
because she ^lad spoken so nobly and firmly the words 
demanded by the situation, the Empress had become 
the center of everything, the soul of the defense and the 
real Head of the Government. ^ 

During the night of the 8th-9th, at about two in the 
morning, the Empress, who had been unable to sleep, sent 
for me, and discust with wonderful clearness of outlook 
the various courses she might adopt. How many fresh 
names had been suggested within the last forty-eight 
hours! How many combinations proposed, tried, re- 
jected, re-considered, and again thrown aside! M. Hauss- 
mann had been suggested. The Right would not hear 
of it. It was proposed to place Girardin in the Cabinet, 
but only on condition that he held no responsible post. 
But he insisted on the Home Office. Nothing to be done 
with him! Trochu, who with Bazaine was the hero of the 
moment, had been sounded, and declared himself willing 
to accept the post of Minister of War, if he were allowed 
to expose in a public speech the faults committed by the 
Higher Command. Were we then thus openly to confess 
our faults, to lay bare our discords and our weaknesses to 
the armed invader now in our own territory, who would 
hasten to profit by such confessions } Even those who had 
put forward Trochu's name had not insisted. 

The name of General de Palikao was then remem- 
bered. Palikao, the victor of Peking, once the butt of the 
newspapers when he was a favorite at the Court, was now 

almost forgotten in his command at Lyons, but he enjoyed 

106 



An Adventure Underground 

a semi-popularity on account of his being in semi-disgrace. 
He had been sent for in haste, and was already on his way 
to Paris as the Empress was speaking to me. 

Our conversation lasted for some hours. By this time 
the Empress was literally worn out with fatigue, and her 
face was as white as her pillow. For three days she had 
not slept, and she had hardly eaten. I Implored her to 
try and sleep, and she exprest a wish to see whether a 
dose of chloral would induce slumber. I suggested that 
instead of this drug she might test the virtue of a cup of 
broth. The Empress consented, and I left the room to 
give the necessary order to Mile. Blanche, the maid who 
attended to this kind of requirements; but as I could not 
find her in the little passage behind Her Majesty's room, I 
determined, little as I knew of those regions, to fetch the 
cup of broth myself. 

I skirted the Galerie de Diane, and descended to the 
basement by the staircase of the Pavilion de Flore. I 
found myself in an underground passage extending the 
whole length of the Tuileries and lit by innumerable lamps. 
But where were the kitchens ? I had not the remotest idea, 
so I thought my best plan would be to follow the lines of 
the little railway which conveyed the dishes from the 
kitchens to the Imperial table. Galleries opened to the 
right and left of me, which under other conditions I should 
have been tempted to explore. Suddenly I bethought me 
of "the little Red Man" who appeared, so It was said, to 
the masters of this palace or the members of their house- 
hold whenever some disaster was impending! Surely it 
was. Indeed, a fitting time to show himself. But "the little 
Red Man" remained Invisible, and during my long walk I 
saw no sign of a ghost or of any living soul. The kitchens 
were situated, I discovered eventually, under the Rue de 

107 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 



Rivoli, and in one I found a scullion asleep in a chair. I 
awoke him in the same manner that I had awakened 
Emile Ollivier, but he took it far less kindly. However, as 
Sjoon as I had obtained what I sought I retraced my steps; 
but when I reached the Empress's bedroom, after a 
twenty-minutes' walk, the broth was stone cold and the 
Empress was sleeping peacefully. 



io8 



CHAPTER VI 

THE REGENCY (continued), August 7-September 4, 1870 

THE Place de la Concorde was In a state of tumult on 
the day of the opening of Parliament, and military 
precautions were taken to protect the national rep- 
resentatives from popular violence. Marshal Baraguay 
d'Hilliers, who was personally in charge of the arrange- 
ments for keeping order, was still in a somewhat sullen 
mood. The position did not please him, and two days 
later he sent In his resignation — a fatal resignation, since It 
led to the appointment of Trochu as Governor of Paris. 

The Chamber opened at two o'clock with a few words 
from the Prime Minister, and if he had been hitherto able 
to cherish any doubts as to the feelings of the majority 
regarding himself, his experience at this moment must 
have settled them. The sitting was suspended, and re- 
sumed at five o'clock. Emile Ollivler announced that the 
Ministers had placed their resignations In the hands of the 
Empress Regent, who had Instructed General Count de 
Pallkao to form a Cabinet and that the General had ac- 
cepted the duty. M. Ollivler added that, following the 
ordinary rule, the retiring Ministers would continue In 
their office until the nomination of their successors. 

Without another word he left the Tribune, which had 
witnessed so many of his oratorical triumphs and which he 
was never again to ascend. The Chamber cheered him as 
if by courtesy; it was a polite farewell, but slightly cruel 
in Its cold politeness. With a heavy heart I mused on the 
great things which Emile Ollivler had failed of accom- 

109 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

plishing. His fall closed a chapter in the annals of the 
Second Empire which ought to have been one of the most 
glorious; a chapter which should have accurately defined 
and justified the Imperial regime in the eyes of history. 
Those will agree with me who believe, as I do, that the 
true significance of the Empire was to be found in its later 
liberal and democratic form. 

But the rapid sequence of events carried us down the 
stream, and it was useless to look back. When General 
de Palikao appeared next day in the Tribune his first 
words were almost inaudible. "Speak louder!" cried the 
Left, insolently. 

"Excuse me," said the General, smiling and without 
raising his voice, "I have here" — at the same time lifting 
his hand to his neck, which was encircled by a stiff black 
stock in the fashion of 1840 — "I have here a bullet which 
has never been extracted, and which worries me a little in 
public speaking. But if you will take the trouble to listen, 
I assure you that you will hear me." 

This little sentence contained a great lesson; it re- 
minded the babblers that they had before them a man of 
action. The House understood and applauded. 

The General then read the list of his colleagues. Henri 
Chevreau was Minister of the Interior; Clement 
Duvernois, Minister of Commerce; Jerome David, Min- 
ister of Public Works; Magne received the portfolio of 
Finance; Brame that of Education; Prince de La Tour 
d'Auvergne was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs; 
Grandperret took over the Seals. The Presidency of the 
State Council, which gave rank in the Cabinet, devolved 
upon Busson-Billault; Admiral Rigault de Genouilly re- 
mained at the Admiralty, and, naturally, Palikao took 
charge of the War Office in addition to the office of Prime 

no 



Paris Prepares for Siege 



Minister. These names were well received, especially 
those of Magne and Brame. 

The new Ministers set to work at once, and, if one 
judges politicians not according to their final successes, but 
according to the uprightness of their intentions and the 
immediate results, history ought, so it seems to me, to re- 
spect this Ministry of twenty-five days, whose activity was 
truly extraordinary, and without which the five months' 
resistance which followed would have been impossible. 
The loan of 500 millions, the compulsory circulation of 
bank-notes, the moratorium on bills of exchange, met the 
urgent financial requirements, and when Magne left the 
Ministry the Republic found two thousand million francs 
in their coffers. 

All men from twenty-five to thirty-five were called up 
to serve in the Garde Mobile, and men from thirty-five to 
forty-five in the Garde Nationale. Special laws granted 
an allowance to families who now found themselves, on 
account of this calling up, deprived of their bread-winners. 
Thanks to these measures the Minister of War was able to 
create two new army corps, to the command of which 
Trochu and Vinoy were appointed; and with the fourth 
battalions from the depots he formed composite infantry 
regiments. The Minister of the Interior, assisted by his 
brother, Leon Chevreau, prefect of the department of the 
Oise, whom he had summoned to his aid, succeeded in 
three weeks in arming and equipping eighty new battalions 
of the National Guard, bringing the army of Paris to a 
total of 270,000 combatants. The inner ring of fortifica- 
tions and the outlying forts received 1,800 pieces of heavy 
ordnance, of which a considerable number had been bor- 
rowed from the Navy. The Minister of Public Works 
gave orders for the breaking down of the bridges and the 

III 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

locks and the blocking of the tunnels, in order to delay the 
passage of the siege artillery which the Prussians were 
bringing against Paris. 

In view of the investment of the capital, Grandperret, 
the Keeper of the Seals, prepared to organize a second 
Government, which should establish its seat at Tours and 
was to include, besides himself. Prince de La Tour d'Au- 
vergne, Brame, Magne and Busson-Billault. To Cle- 
ment Duvernois was allotted the task of provisioning 
Paris. He caused 35,000 head of cattle and 280,000 sheep 
to be pastured in the Bois de Boulogne and in the Luxem- 
bourg Gardens. His successor, Magnin, one of the Minis- 
ters of the Gouvernement de la Defense Nationale, 
paid to him the following remarkable tribute: "All the 
living animals had been brought in under the administra- 
tion of M. Clement Duvernois. I say 'all,' because the 
number of those brought in under my administration was 
very trifling. To him (which I loyally recognize) is due 
the honor, if honor there be, of having provisioned 
Paris." 

Some years later Duvernois, one of the most active, 
adaptable and brilliant minds I have ever known, died 
miserably and broken-hearted, after leaving the Maison 
Centrale at Poissy, where, in consequence of speculation 
which ended disastrously, the justice of his country had 
sent him to make list slippers. 

Far be it from me to credit the Empress with having 
initiated every act of her Ministers ; but there are several 
measures that she herself suggested, or of which she 
hastened the accomplishment. As one special instance, I 
can cite the armament of the Paris forts with naval guns 
and the destruction of the locks. Her influence made 
itself felt in everything, and the desire shown by certain 

112 



Empress Eugenie's Two Aims 

of these men to merit her praise is astonishing. I said to 
her one day: "I begin to believe that the Salic law is 
quite wrong, because men will do more for you than they 
would do for the Emperor." 

One day Henri Chevreau at the Ministry of the In- 
terior, speaking to me of her, was so overcome by his 
feelings that he began to sob. Merlmee, who had known 
her so many years, and who never doubted her courage, 
was full of admiration. He wrote in glowing terms to 
Panizzi and toMme. deMontijo: "She is firm as a rock!" 
And Trochu himself said, a little later: "That woman is 
a Roman!" 

She occasionally received strange visitors. One day 
Admiral Jurien brought with him Francois Buloz, who had 
the air of a man brought against his will into a low haunt; 
another day it was Girardin. A certain ecclesiastical hum- 
bug also prowled round the Tuileries and found his way in 
on several occasions. He was a converted Jew and a more 
or less repentant rake, who finished as he had begun — ^by a 
scandal. But at that time he had the reputation of an 
apostle. With violet silk buttons on his cassock, he caused 
himself to be addrest as "Monseigneur," and I believe 
he tried to give us his benediction when we were not look- 
ing. He brought the consolations of religion to those who 
did not want them, and gave advice to those who would 
have none of it. 

The Empress continued her course without turning to 
the right or left, uninfluenced either by the plaintive or 
the officious. She stuck to her two objects: to bring to- 
gether men of goodwill in one common patriotic effort, and 
to raise up allies for France. 

i Overtures were made individually to the deputies of 
the Left. What was asked of them.f* Simply a truce to 

113 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

suspend their anti-dynastic efforts, and to think of nothing 
but the national peril. These overtures were not wel- 
comed. M. Jules Grevy was the only one who listened to 
this appeal to his patriotism and his conscience^ That is 
why he was entirely put on one side later, and rested under 
suspicion during the period which immediately followed 
September 4. One searches vainly in history for a group 
of politicians equally malevolent, and equally furiously 
and implacably selfish, as the irreconcilables of 1870. 
Whilst accusing the Emperor of humiliating France before 
foreigners, they refused him the means of reorganizing the 
Army, which alone could have enabled him to speak boldly 
and to act vigorously. They clamored for war because 
it was popular, but they feared it because a victory would 
have restored the prestige of the Sovereign. They took 
courage again in August, when they saw the Government 
disarmed and three hundred thousand bayonets in the 
hands of the Parisian populace, and they resigned them- 
selves placidly to the repeated defeats which carved out 
their own road to power. One may remember a sentence 
which appeared on January I, 1871, in a well-known 
review: "In spite of the awful disasters which the year 
1870 has brought upon us, yet, because it has seen the 
overthrow of the Empire, this year has not been entirely 
barren. There should be some gratitude mingled with our 
curses, and, in fact, when the accounts are balanced we 
may well bless it." 

The writer of this sentence belonged to another party, 
and there was no necessity for him to voice this cynical 
display of evil sentiments; but it, nevertheless, reflected 
faithfully the outlook of the members of the Left. One 
of them remarked on September 4, with a triumphant air: 
"The Emperor and the Army are both caught in the same 

114 



The Empress Continues to Negotiate 



cast of the net. Nothing is lacking!" They were not far 
from regarding Bismarck as a benefactor, and, in fact, it 
was Bismarck who gave the Republic to France, hoping 
that the gift would kill her. 

One can quite understand that men who profest 
these sentiments remained deaf to the advances of the 
Empress. Monsieur Thiers was also sounded. He was 
found, however, to be equally ill-disposed, although he was 
careful not to commit himself to a single definite statement. 

The Empress had re-started her negotiations, or I 
should say her conversations, with Prince Metternich, and 
these conversations were not very far, towards the middle 
of August, from leading to a practical result. In order 
to keep the Emperor well informed as to all that was said 
and done, and to explain her own acts, which might other- 
wise have appeared like a usurpation of power, the Em- 
press thought of going to Metz, but at this moment the 
Emperor resigned the command to Marshal Bazaine, and 
left headquarters at Metz to return to Chalons; it was not 
possible to join him on the road. Besides, in Paris, the 
lull which had followed the nomination of the new Minis- 
try had lasted only a few days, and the alarm of the 14th 
showed how necessary was the presence of the Empress in 
the capital. 

On that day, towards four o'clock, a handful of men led 
by Blanqui and Eudes attacked the fire station at La 
Villette, and attempted to stir up the people to rebellion. 
This affray lasted only a few moments, and order was 
quickly restored. The hour apparently had not yet 
struck. The next day the deputies of the Left, when chal- 
lenged on the subject by their colleagues of the Right, dis- 
avowed emphatically the rioters of La Villette. But their 
truthfulness may be gaged by the fact that on the even- 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

ing of September 4 their first care was to set Eudes free, 
and the next day he appeared at the Town Hall of the 
XVIIth arrondissement carrying an order signed Trochu. 

From the 14th to the 17th there was a further respite, 
but on the night of the 17th we again experienced violent 
emotions; a message from Chalons announced to the 
Regent the imminent arrival of General Trochu, who had 
just been appointed Governor of Paris, and who was to 
"precede the Emperor by a few hours." The Emperor 
had, indeed, arrived on the i6th at Chalons, and had held 
a council of war with MacMahon and other officers, a 
council at which Prince Napoleon and Rouher were pres- 
ent. It was then decided that the Sovereign should re- 
turn to the capital, and that the army of MacMahon 
should reorganize under the walls of Paris. Since then 
competent judges have held and demonstrated that, from 
the point of view of strategy, this resolution was the best 
that could have been adopted in the difficult circumstan- 
ces; but at that time, and in our environment, quite a 
different view was taken. It was said that Paris armed, 
fortified and equipped, and full of enthusiasm and energy, 
would be quite able to defend itself. What public opinion 
demanded with violent insistence was that MacMahon 
should go to the assistance of Bazaine, who was already 
nearly surrounded, that Bazaine should be extricated, and 
that the two marshals together should then strike a great 
blow. The Minister of War lent to this plan all the 
strength of his authority. He also claimed the right to 
direct the military operations as a whole and to give 
orders to MacMahon. 

On the other hand, the Minister of the Interior and 
the Prefect of Police had more than once exprest the 
well-founded opinion that the return of the Emperor to 

116 



More Consultations 



Paris would be the signal for a sanguinary revolution. It 
is easy to see, then, that the Empress was quite upset on 
learning the decision from Chalons. 

As for the nomination of General Trochu, she could 
not understand it. We learned later that it was chiefly 
the work of Prince Napoleon; Marshal MacMahon and 
Rouher told the Commission of Inquiry on the events of 
September 4 all that passed, and anyone who refers to 
their evidence will be enlightened as to the circumstances 
which led to and accompanied this deplorable resolution.' 
However, as the nomination of General Trochu was an 
accomplished fact, one had to be prepared to receive him 
and to convert him if possible to the views of the Govern- 
ment. I went at once to find Pietri, who had gone to bed, 
and brought him back with me. He was appaled at what 
had happened, and at the consequences that he foresaw 
would result. 

We found the Empress already In consultation with 
the new Governor. Henri Chevreau and Admiral Jurien 
were also present. This meeting was long, agitated, 
more or less Incoherent, and interspersed with burlesque 
episodes. 

The Admiral, who was devoted body and soul to the 
Empress, but who at the same time was an old comrade of 
the General's, wished literally to thrust them Into each 
other's arms. "Embrace him, Madame," he cried; "he 
is an honest fellow!" The General smiled, stiffened a 
little, biting his moustache, feeling doubtless a trifle em- 
barrassed. The Empress neither agreed nor refused. She 
knew that these kinds of actions are useful sometimes with 
a crowd, but she did not see the necessity of such a panto- 
mime In the midst of a grave and Important discussion, 
before three or four witnesses who knew the Inward mean- 

117 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

ing of the whole business and the personal feelings at the 
back of it. So^finally there was no embracing. 

This comic incident was succeeded by a serious dis- 
cussion which rose to tragic heights. Must the return of 
the Emperor and the army be prevented? Trochu de- 
fended the double measure which he had helped to decide. 
The Empress and her counselors pleaded on the opposite 
side, and she said: "Do you know, General, that fifty 
armed men could come straight into this room and murder 
me without any difficulty? But they do not attack me. 
Why? Simply because I do not defend myself, and be- 
cause they know that if I disappeared the Empire would 
still remain. But imagine the Emperor In this palace, 
which is the trap in which Sovereigns are caught. What 
would happen to him? Imagine the onslaught of all the 
bitter enemies who are now combined against him. There 
would be two alternatives: either the Army would side 
with him, and then there would be civil war between the 
Army and the armed people of Paris; or else the troops 
would desert him, and revolution and massacre would fol- 
low. In either case who will be the gainers? The Prus- 
sians." The General yielded. "Yes," he admitted, "the 
Emperor cannot enter Paris, but the strategic movement 
indicated by MacMahon must follow its course." "Then 
where will the Emperor go?" It was, indeed, a puzzling 
problem. This man who had been the absolute master of 
France, who had vanquished Russia and Austria, who had 
made Italy, and who less than three weeks earlier was still 
the most powerful Sovereign of the world, had no longer 
any place among the people that he had governed. He 
had leftMetz, so as not to embarrass Bazaine; MacMahon 
wished to send him back to Paris, and Paris threw him 
back on MacMahon like a shuttlecock on a racquet. If he 

ii8 



Telling the Emperor 



were to keep away from his second army, as he had from 
his first one, and at the same time was forbidden to enter 
his capital, where was he to go? 

When the new Governor had left us I had the cruel 
task of drawing up the message addrest to the Emperor 
by the Regent. She had given me a kind of rough draft, 
which I materially softened; I could have wished to do 
much more. I should have liked the dispatch to have 
been simply an account of the situation, which threw the 
onus of responsibility on to the Minister of War, the Min- 
ister of the Interior, the Prefect of Police, and the others, 
for the advice they had given, and which would have left 
the Sovereign a free agent. 

"Do you think," said the Empress, "that I am not 
the first to feel all that is horrible in his position? But 
the message that you propose to send would not stop him, 
and he is lost if we do not stop him."^ 

(^The Empress has been much criticized for having in- ^'^%X>>^ 
fluenced in this manner the Emperor's decisions, and thus, 
indirectly, the conduct of the military operations. Some 
have gone so far as to impute to her all the subsequent 
misfortunes. 

One forgets that the Empress actually did nothing but 
transmit to the Sovereign, as was her duty, the opinion of 
the Ministers. When, however, she endorsed that opinion 
with so much emphasis, she took upon herself, with her 
usual courage and generosity, a heavy responsibility, 
which, constitutionally, did not rest with her, and which a 
little care in wording might easily have avoided. She 
sheltered the men who ought to have sheltered her, and 
who were happy to be able to take refuge behind her. 

^ The message in question is not the telegram sent at once to Chalons and 
drawn up in the presence of General Trochu, but the explanatory letter which 
followed. 

119 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Those who judge her severely because she prevented the 
Emperor from reentering Paris, and who accuse her of 
having brought about the disaster of Sedan, ought in jus- 
tice to ask themselves if another catastrophe would not 
have been the result of a contrary resolution? What let- 
ters of blood would have covered that unwritten page of 
our history which described, under the date of August 17, 
the return of the Sovereign into the midst of a people 
maddened with exasperation and bitterness and athirst for 
vengeance? And, on the other hand, one may well ask 
what might have come of MacMahon's march to the north 
if it had been conducted by a commander more daring and 
more resourceful than the one who had never even at- 
tempted to hold the impregnable rampart of the Vosges. 

At the same time, even if we admit that the march to the 
north was a grave fault, the fault was not irreparable, and 
need not have led to a capitulation, if MacMahon, on 
reaching Stenay, had been authorized to take the Mezieres 
road. 

The War Minister enjoined him peremptorily to march 
on Sedan, and this time the Regent, whatever may have 
been her personal opinion, made no comment. Would to 
God that she had been equally reserved on the 17th of 
August! 

Comparative calm reigned in Paris during the days that 
followed. Everything had been conceded to popular feel- 
ing. The Emperor had effaced himself in favor of Ba- 
zaine; Trochu, the other public favorite, was in power 
in Paris, as a kind of dictator. The capitol was stript 
of troops, and the whole population was about to be armed. 
The Mobiles from Paris, on being sent into camp at 
Chalons, had merely to mutiny and insult their general in 

order to get their own way. "I am bringing you back 

120 



The Committee for Defence 

with me to Paris," said Trochu to them, "to fight there, as 
is your rights ^ 

No one seemed to realize that we lived under martial 
law. The Governor — the highest military authority in 
Paris — ^wrote a letter to Le Temps, in which he declared 
that he would only use "moral force"; this amounted 
to telling the extremists that they could go to any lengths, 
and that the Government was defenseless before them. 

Instead of effacing themselves before the military 
power, the Legislature seemed ready to encroach on the 
domain of the Executive, and to assume the airs of a Con- 
vention. Latour-Dumoulin wished the Assembly to 
assume the Imperial Prerogative, depose Palikao, and re- 
place him by Trochu. Jules Favre clamored for a kind 
of Committee of Public Safety, on the plea that it was 
necessary to enforce the new laws. And when, on August 
19, a decree of the Empress instituted, under the presi- 
dency of General Trochu, the committee for the defense 
of the fortifications of Paris, exclusively composed of mili- 
tary men and specialists, the Left proposed to add to them 
nine deputies. This would have given the committee a 
marked political character, and would, in fact, have con- 
stituted a second Government outside — and above — the 
legal one. The Ministry refused this, and put it to a vote 
of confidence. They obtained a considerable majority, 
but this apparent victory had been bought by a previous 
arrangement, under which three deputies and one senator 
were to be nominated on the committee. M. Thiers was 
an obvious person to be put on this committee, but once 
again he tried to shuffle out of it. He was hesitating, torn 

^ What would haxe been said if the Mobiles of the other departments had claimed 
the same privilege? Far from recognizing this pretended "right," a law was 
passed authorizing the Government to draft them into the regiments of the first 
line army. 

121 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

between the desire to keep his reviving popularity in re- 
serve for better times and less formidable responsibilities, 
and the almost irresistible temptation he felt to meddle in 
military matters and to tamper with the Army. At first he 
said "No," but he seized the first opportunity to alter his 
decision. When Henri Chavreau announced the march of 
the Crown Prince of Prussia and his army on Paris, Thiers 
declared that under the circumstances no citizen could re- 
fuse his help to the Government. He was at once nomi- 
nated a member of the committee. His influence was 
equally preponderant there as it was in the Chamber. He 
held the majority in his hands, and he believed himself, up 
to the last moment, to be the arbiter of the parliamentary 
situation. 

But if M. Thiers was all-powerful at the Palais Bour- 
bon, General Trochu was the idol of the Parisians. I 
would willingly remain silent concerning this strange 
man, whom I am by no means sure I understand prop- 
erly. His fine military record (previous to the revo- 
lutionary period), his great talents, his rare virtues, im- 
press me, in spite of myself, with respect, and in the long 
voluntary retirement in which his life drew to a close I am 
forced to render him homage. Yes, I would fain leave him 
in peace in that grave into which he descended with so 
much dignity and simplicity. But how can it be done.f* 
By what means can I relate the events of September 4 
without mentioning this man, who not only submitted to 
and completed the revolution, but actually commenced it, 
as we shall presently see, and who, while able to prevent it, 
rendered it inevitable.? 

At any rate, why not admit it? Trochu, with all his 
contradictions, is an historical problem, which attracts and 
perplexes, an enigma, that we, his contemporaries, have 

122 



General Trochu 



not been able to decipher — one which will even baffle the 
historian when the hour for the historian strikes, and I 
believe the hour has struck now, since we, who knew these 
men personally and were eye-witnesses of these events, are 
about to disappear. 

How could this man, so honest and spotless in his daily 
life, a man who seemed a veritable saint, eager for self- 
sacrifice, how could such a one unhesitatingly and remorse- 
lessly violate his most sacred promises ? Again, how could 
this ambitious and incorrigible talker decide to quit the 
political world and endure thirty years of self-inflicted 
silence and obscurity? Possibly an explanation may be 
forthcoming some day. All I can say Is that in August, 
1870, we wondered what sort of man we had to deal with in 
him — ^was he a buffoon or a tribune, a hero or a traitor.? 
The Empire fell, and still we were no wiser. We spoke 
smilingly of a legendary plan of defense said to have been 
placed by him in the keeping of a notary, and I really be- 
lieve that, in the universal anxiety to clutch at any straw, 
many Parisians imagined that salvation was really hidden 
In some sealed docket in Maitre Ducoux's safe. Nearly 
every day the Cabinet was confronted with some fresh out- 
burst of this fantastic in uniform — sorties as ill-timed and 
unsuccessful as those made later by the garrison of Paris. 

One day he would begin thus: "Madame, I have an 
income of a hundred francs and eleven children." (He 
was speaking of his brother's children, whom he had 
adopted, and whom he brought up most strictly; but he 
succeeded in throwing ridicule on this fine action, and the 
eleven children — recalling some recent music-hall joke — 
convulsed everyone.) " I need money for my equipment," 
he continued. "I must have twenty thousand francs — 
that is to say, a year's salary; for I will not hear of accept- 

123 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

ing one of those scandalous salaries of which the Empire 
has given a sad example." The Minister of War stopt 
his dissertation. "General, go to the Treasury and take 
what you require. You have no need to consult the Re- 
gent about a question of pay." Another day he thought fit 
to recite to the council a speech that he had just delivered 
to the National Guards. In this he had exhorted them to 
die well, and to maintain "in the supreme agony that trag- 
ically proud attitude which alike became men, citizens and 
soldiers." This time it was the Empress who interrupted 
him. "Mow Dieu! General," said she, "one dies as one 
can ! " But these lessons were lost on him; common sense, 
irony, insult never affected him. I still seem to see him, 
an upright figure, tightly buttoned into his uniform, but 
fidgety and agitated in his demeanor, his proud, refined 
expression, his large bald head, his comprest lips, his 
eyes, ever shifting, full of fire, the eye's of a visionary. 
One felt him to be a mixture of incompatibles, a man 
whom everything hurt and yet whom nothing turned; one 
almost morbidly touchy, yet Invincibly obstinate, admir- 
ably intelligent in his own Ideas, but thoroughly Imper- 
vious to those of others. 

The Ministers became uneasy when they saw the repre- 
sentative of the Army, the man who wielded the formida- 
ble powers of martial law, laying down his arms, so to 
speak, before the revolution and appealing to "moral 
force." Clement Duvernois prest Trochu to explain 
himself on this point. "Then, General," he said, "If the 
Regent were attacked, what would you do ? " The General 
replied: "I should lay down my life on the steps of the 
throne." His relations with the members of the Left 
during this second fortnight of August have been at 
one time a matter of controversy. It had been arranged 

124 



The Regent at the Helm 



that these relations should be positively denied, so as to 
give the conversion of the general to the Republic at 
three o'clock on the afternoon of the Fourth of September 
the character of a spontaneous act, free from all premedita- 
tion, a providential inspiration, or, simply, an acceptance 
of the inevitable. Hence the tissue of pitiable and contra- 
dictory untruths which make one blush for those who fell 
so low as to invent them. Ernest Picard affirmed, "I 
never saw General Trochu before I met him at the Hotel 
de Ville on the Fourth of September." "Take care what 
you are saying, my dear colleague," interrupted the 
Marquis d'Andellarre, "/ saw you at his house.'''' The fat 
fellow, quite unperturbed, answered with that good na- 
tured effrontery which used to be appreciated in those days, 
"Since you know it I won't conceal it from you." Jules 
Favre has told later of his interview with the Governor of 
Paris on August 21. As for us, we heard edifying tales. 
"Madame," said the general to her Majesty, "if your 
police are really efficient they will have told you that I 
have seen the Deputies of the Left. ... It is quite true, 
as I feel that my duty is to keep in touch with public 
opinion." He took this opportunity of affirming once 
more his devotion to the person of the Sovereign and his 
firm intention of defending her. To be quite honest, I will 
add that she placed no reliance on this devotion, and the 
sequel has proved that she was right. 

Whilst following or inspiring the acts of her ministers, 
the Regent reserved to herself certain duties which 
seemed peculiarly suitable to her. She gave singularly 
businesslike orders for the removal to Brest of certain 
priceless treasures of our museums and other items of our 
national collections. She inspected the military hospitals, 
and her visit to the Val-de-Grace was the occasion of 

125 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

several touching episodes of which she told me. I re- 
member, among others, the case of a poor Turco^ whose 
rifle had been taken away when they amputated his arm 
and who regretted the lost weapon much more than the 
vanished limb. The Empress obtained (or promised, I 
forget which) the return of the rifle, and she was moved 
to tears when she described the joy which had illumined 
the face of the poor mutilated soldier. Not content with 
visiting the hospitals, she had one established on the 
Terrace of the Tuileries, and another inside the palace in 
the memorable hall where the Convention used to sit. 
This hall lay between the staircase of the Pavilion de 
Marsan and the vestibule of the chapel, and in 1867 a 
grand banquet had been given there to some foreign Sov- 
ereigns, of which the magnificence, chronicled by all the 
papers of the time, has been preserved by a very interest- 
ing and accurate painting now at Farnborough. But all 
the decorations previously arranged for the fete had now 
disappeared, and the walls had again resumed their chill- 
ing bareness when I saw them for the first time. In 1868 
and 1869 I had my private apartment in the Pavilion de 
Marsan, and many times a day I crossed this hall on a 
narrow bridge, along the window side towards the Place 
du Carrousel. At night a single lamp illumined this huge 
deserted hall, peopled with terrible memories. These I 
would often muse over as I stopt at the spot once occu- 
pied by the chair of the president, where Boissy d'Anglas 
had saluted the bleeding head of Feraud, and where 
Thuriot had listened impassively to the outbursts of 
Robespierre at bay: "President of assassins, once more 
I ask your ear!" I saw in imagination the "Mountain," 
the "Plain," the "Marsh," and the crowded tribunes; I 

^ Algerian Native Infantry (Translator's Note). 
126 



MacMahon Marches North 



fancied I could hear the shrieking clamor of the "tri- 
coteuses" and the drums of the "sections" hastening to 
the attack or to the rescue of the Assembly; and I would 
call up one or other of the acts of the mighty drama of 
which this sinister hall has been the scene. But the last 
time I was there its appearance had once more changed. 
Thirty beds, many of which were already occupied, re- 
placed the phantoms of the past, and the Empress flitted 
from one to the other, surrounded by the good Sisters of 
Charity in white aprons, who were the last occupants of 
this hall. 

It was on the 23 d that MacMahon began that march 
towards the north, from which he expected no good, but 
on which the Parisians and ourselves had built all kinds 
of wild hopes. The 25th or 26th at the earliest, but 
surely the 27th and 28th would see, so we believed, despite 
all probability, the junction of the two armies. One after- 
noon in that week I happened to go to the Luxembourg 
on some urgent business, and on the staircase I came face 
to face with the senators who were leaving the meeting. 
Many came up to me and surrounded me, asking for con- 
firmation of the current rumor, and as I sadly shook my 
head, "Yes! yes!" cried several, "it is absolutely true, 
lis se donnent la main, they have joined hands." This 
was on the lips of all. I knew only too well that nothing 
could be more false, and that as yet it was impossible for 
the two marshals to be in touch with one another. How- 
ever, M. Franceschini Pietri's dispatches left me some 
room for hope up to the 30th, but that night towards 
midnight a telegram arrived which announced the defeat 
of De Failly's Corps and the mutiny of part of his troops. 

I thought it useless to awaken the Empress, who was 

very tired and ill, so I kept this disastrous news to myself 

127 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

all night, still hoping that another telegram would follow, 
correcting or at any rate modifying this first depressing 
news. And, indeed, at seven in the morning of the 31st 
a second dispatch told me that the troops had rallied and 
returned to their duty. These two dispatches ought to 
have arrived almost at the same time, this was evident 
from the context. This fact, joined to some others, caused 
me to suspect the fidelity of the employees of our tele- 
graphic bureau. I became almost certain that the tele- 
grams — more or less accurately deciphered — had gone to 
the Rue de la Sourdiere (the general headquarters of the 
Revolutionary Party) before being delivered to me. I 
inentioned my belief to Conti, the Emperor's chief secre- 
tary, who had just come back to Paris, but whose state of 
health prevented him doing much active work. 

I went at once to the telegraphic bureau and told the 
employees that if I once put my hand on the author of the 
leakage, he would appear two hours after before a court- 
martial! A few sneered, but one man turned very pale. 
From that moment I became an object of spite to those 
scoundrels; and, circumstances aiding, their revenge was 
not longed delayed. 

No communication from the Imperial Headquarters 
arrived during the fatal days of September I and 2, which 
dragged their hopeless length regardless of our mortal 
anxiety, which increased as the total absence of news 
became, hour by hour, ever more significant of disaster. 

The Empress was consumed with anxiety for the 
Emperor and for the Army; she also worried greatly about 
her son, who at this time was wandering from tov/n to 
town on the north-eastern frontier, accompanied by some 
devoted officers and a mere handful of Cent Gardes.'^ A 

^The name given to the Emperor's mounted Body Guard (Translator's Note). 

128 



Protecting the Prince Imperial 

private letter from Avesnes, dated August 30 (it emanated 
from a journalist devoted to the Empire), had informed 
us of the sentiments of the people there. The aides-de- 
camp of the Prince were receiving different, if not contra- 
dictory, orders from the Emperor and from the Empress; 
they did not know what to do and the responsibility fright- 
ened them. They feared, above all things, being sud- 
denly surrounded in some small fortified place by the 
Prussians; this would have cut them off from information 
about events and have deprived the Prince of his personal 
liberty and freedom of action. The Empress could not 
see the force of this argument; here is a very characteristic 
letter which she wrote to Charles Duperre, the oldest and 
highest in rank of the aides-de-camp, and who in conse- 
quence was in a position of authority in the Prince's 
entourage: "I am not in favor of these wanderings from 
town to town. You must remain where you are. If the 
town were taken, it would be time to hide him you guard 
and take him out secretly. If Avesnes Is Impossible, go 
to Laon, which is a fortified place and in the theater of 
war. You have a duty more pressing than that of secu- 
rity; it Is that of honor, and I feel that this retreat to Am- 
iens is unworthy of him and of us. Each one of us must 
carry out to the limit of his power the hard duties which 
are imposed on us. My heart Is torn but resolute. I have 
had no news of my husband or of you since yesterday. 
I am in terrible anxiety, but I wish above all things that 
each of you should do his duty. Always remember one 
thing: I can weep for my son dead or wounded, but to 
think of him fleeing! I could never forgive you if you 
allowed such a thing to happen. I appeal to your honor 
as soldiers. Do everything for the best, but act like 
soldiers. I will exonerate you and take all responsibility. 

129 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

We shall hold out in Paris, if we are besieged, or if we are 
out of Paris we shall still hold out to the end. There 
can be no question of peace! — E." 

This letter was never sent because Commander Duperre 
came in person to Paris on September 2 to discuss the 
situation with the Regent and to receive her orders. We 
therefore arranged (to meet the most urgent needs) a 
cipher which only contained forty words, and of which 
he carried off a copy identical with mine. He left Paris, 
if I remember correctly, on the morning of the 3d, and 
I never saw him again until we met in our common exile. ^ 

The same morning witnessed the historic visit of Me- 
rimee to Thiers, about which I have already tried to 
enlighten the public. But it seems that hitherto I have 
only half succeeded, since I have apparently failed to 
convince some talented and sincere writers who have occu- 
pied themselves with these events. I must therefore 
return to it, for the solution of this point in history touches 
the honor of the Regent. 

M. Thiers told the Commission of Inquiry that Me- 
rimee presented himself before him with a mission from 
the Empress. According to M. Thiers' account, Me- 
rimee came with two motives — one to appeal to his 
pity, and the other to excite his ambition by putting 
before him the prospect of such unlimited power as he 
might gain under the Regency of a woman, with a Prince 
who was a minor and a Sovereign who was a prisoner, 
whose throne was already morally forfeit, and whose 
abdication seemed to be a foregone conclusion. M. 
Thiers had then protested his respectful sympathy "to- 
wards a great and unhappy Princess," but he had finally 

1 All the facts relative to the movements of the Prince during the last days of the 
Empire have been related with equal accuracy and conscientiousness by M. R. Minon 
in his interesting pamphlet on this subject. 

130 



Merimee's Interview with M. Thiers 

declared "that after Sedan there was nothing more 
to be done." Seeing that he could not move him, the 
plenipotentiary of the Regent had retired, and In the 
course of the same day he had communicated to M. Thiers 
the thanks of the Regent for the sympathy which he had 
exprest. 

It is my duty to repeat and assert emphatically, in 
spite of all affirmations to the contrary, that this state- 
ment does not contain one word of truth. In the first 
place, the Empress did not entrust Merimee with any 
mission for M. Thiers. In the second place, she cannot 
have asked Merimee, whom she had not seen since 
August 25, to thank M. Thiers for a sympathy which had 
never been conveyed to her. In the third place, there 
cannot possibly have been any mention of Sedan In their 
Interview, since the capitulation was not known to any of 
us at that time. 

On the first point I have never had any doubt. What 
would have been the use of such a mission, since the 
Empress had long been well aware of M. Thiers' attitude? 
But in order to prove my words here Is the personal and 
distinct evidence of the Empress herself. When she first 
read the extraordinary evidence of M. Thiers, she wrote 
these lines, "I never saw M. Merimee after August 25. 
If he went to see M. Thiers It was on his own initiative 
and out of friendship for me." Yes, this step of Merimee's 
was absolutely spontaneous, It was dictated by a devotion 
of forty years, and by the supreme illusions that he re- 
tained concerning the generosity of his old friend. This 
explanation must seem obvious to those who know how 
often In these latter years Merimee had sounded, had ad- 
vised and had talked to M. Thiers in much the same way 
without having been encouraged or authorized to do so by 

131 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

anyone. One may even go so far as to say that the "con- 
version" of Thiers was Merimee's last dream. 

But, after all, this is a minor matter. The fundamental 
false assertion which is the plain outcome of M. Thiers' 
evidence, if one takes it seriously, and to which I must op- 
pose an emphatic denial, consists in the statement that the 
Empress and her circle knew of the capitulation of Sedan 
on the evening of September 2. M. Thiers relates that 
during the sitting of the Committee of Defense a propos 
of some incident in the discussion, M. Jerome David, 
Minister of Public Works, approached him and whispered 
in his ear, "Do not insist upon this, M. Thiers, there is 
important news"; further, that after the sitting M. Thiers 
and M. David went out on the Seine Embankment and 
walked for some considerable time to and fro between the 
Solferino Bridge and that of the Concorde, during which 
period M. Jerome David informed M. Thiers of the 
capitulation of Sedan, and they discust the conse- 
quences. 

M. Etienne Lamy has thought fit to adopt M. Thiers' 
version of this incident, supporting it by the evidence of 
M. Lara-Minot, some time chief secretary to M. Jerome 
David. Up to this time I have always considered M. 
David as a high principled man. I should deeply regret 
to believe that he was really guilty of the crime attributed 
to him by his ex-secretary. For it would most assuredly 
have been criminal if, knowing the news of the capitulation 
on September 2 at ii o'clock at night, he had communi- 
cated it to M. Thiers but hidden it from the Government 
of which he formed part. Such an action would have been 
unpardonable, and, besides, inexplicable. If, on the other 
hand, he possest this secret information in common with 

the Empress and the Ministry, they are all equally re- 

132 



The Fateful Telegram 



sponsible to history for the silence which was maintained 
for twenty-four hours and for the ignorance in which they 
left the public. 

The real truth Is, that the Empress knew nothing of 
the capitulation on the evening of the 2d or on the morn- 
ing of the 3d, and she knew nothing when I left her at 
two o'clock on the 3d to go to the Corps legislatif.^ When, 
then, did she learn of the capitulation of Sedan? 
She has recorded in a second manuscript note which she 
wrote after receiving M. Thiers' evidence, "Received dis- 
patch from Sedan September 3 about five o'clock in the 
evening. M. Chevreau, the Minister of the Interior, first 
handed it to me and then went to take It to General 
Trochu. " 

I can corroborate her testimony by adding mine to it, 
and I think it will be easily understood without my insist- 
ing upon it, how the smallest details of place, time and 
circumstances are fixt in my memory. 

It was In the court of the Corps legislatif towards three 
o'clock in the afternoon that I first heard of the disaster 
and of the telegram which had announced It to the Depu- 
ties of the opposition. My friend Gaston Jollivet and 
another journalist named Edouard Bouscatel, until then 
unknown to me, told me about it, and they conducted me 
to a group in the midst of which Ranc, who had seen and 
learnt the telegram by heart, was giving an account of it 
to any who cared to listen. When I reentered the Tuil- 
eries the council was sitting. I spoke a few words with 
M. de Brimont, son-in-law and aide-de-camp to the 
War Minister; then I went to the Empress's study. There 
I found Conti, who had also heard the news. He was 
shivering with fever and was seated on the ground, with 

^ I was present each day at the sitting to render an account of it to her. 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

his back to the chimney where I lighted the fire. Conti 
was a poet, a scholar, a man of the old school, and besides 
he had moral courage, as he proved some months later 
when, being almost dying, in the midst of a furious crowd 
he found strength to cling to the rostrum and speak up 
for the rights of his Imperial master. 

Now in a sort of prophetic vision of coming conflict he 
was struggling against physical and moral pain, murmur- 
ing that line of Horace so often quoted but which perhaps 
has never been repeated with more fervor or with more 
faith : 

^^ Justem et tenacem propositi virum^^ . . . 
As he pronounced the last words of the stanza, the Em- 
press appeared at the head of the little winding staircase 
which connected the Emperor's apartments with her own. 
We rose hurriedly and went towards her. At once we saw 
that she knew all. She was pale and terrible, her eyes were 
hard and brilliant with anger, her face distorted by emo- 
tion. She cried out, "Do you know what they are saying .f* 
That the Emperor has surrendered, that he has capitu- 
lated! You do not, surely, believe this abomination?" 

Appalled by her anger we kept silence, but she repeated 
with unheard-of vehemence in tones almost threatening: 
"You do not believe it?" 

"Madame," stammered Conti, "there are circum- 
stances where the bravest" . . . But without waiting to 
hear more the Empress cut short his words, and her soul, 
stirred to its innermost depths, poured forth its agony in 
a torrent of incoherent and mad words. What she said 
then Conti never repeated to anyone, and I shall die, like 
him, without repeating it. 

Whatever she may have thought in that first awful 
moment she did not think long, and when she realized all 

134 




NAPOLEON III 



A Tragic Scene 

that the Emperor had suffered, not only did she give him 
back her respect, but — like the true woman she was — she 
gave him back the love which she had withheld from him 
for six years. Personally I must confess that I remember 
nothing of this tragic scene but the sound of words. I 
was so overcome at the time that my memory was as if 
paralyzed. I know, however, that it lasted five long, 
terrible minutes. The Empress then left the room and 
went down the little staircase. We remained speechless 
and stunned, like men who have come through an earth- 
quake. 



135 



CHAPTER VII 

THE FOURTH OF SEPTEMBER 

IT was past eight o'clock when the council broke up. 
The Empress did not appear at dinner, and I saw 
her only for an instant. She seemed weighed down 
and crusht with anxiety — in fact, in a stupor. She 
hardly spoke. 

All I knew was that she had sent for General Trochu, 
and that he, on the pretext of great fatigue following a 
long inspection of the forts, had refused to obey her order 
and promised to come the next morning. 

I also learnt that M. Schneider, president of the Cham- 
ber, had promised the Empress with tears in his eyes 
(It was from the Empress that I learnt this detail) that 
he would not have an all night sitting. 

At nine o'clock the Empress retired to her rooms. The 
officers and ladies-in-waiting also retired. I worked for 
some time in the study where M. de Lezay-Marnesia 
joined me. He had ordered two folding beds to be made 
up in the First Consul's room for himself and for me. We 
threw ourselves on them fully drest towards midnight. 
The door of those apartments which opened at the top of 
the grand staircase and which gave access to the ushers' 
room had been shut and locked under my eyes. The 
drawing-rooms were quite empty, and after eleven o'clock 
no one came In. 

I have heard and read extraordinary accounts of the 
things that were said and done in the Tuileries that night. 

To my own knowledge eight persons whom I could 

136 



Paris Does Not Sleep 



name asserted that they had come there and had been 
received by various members of the household. Two of 
these people had had a long conference with the Empress 
at two o'clock in the morning. It is, of course, possible 
that a man who knew the Tuileries by heart could come 
to the door of the Empress's bedroom by the little back 
stairs, send a message by the lady's-maid to the Regent 
and thus obtain an audience from the Sovereign. It is 
equally possible and even probable that several officers 
of the household passed the night in the rooms on the 
ground floor and were thus able to receive visitors. 

All I can say is that M. de Marnesia and I heard noth- 
ing and saw no one, and nothing disturbed this terrible 
night-watch except the distant tumult outside — ^the har- 
binger of revolution. 

There was little sleep in Paris that night. All the 
enemies of the Empire were up and preparing themselves 
for the final assault. 

The Governor of Paris was already in open rebellion. 
He had refused to come at the Empress's request, and he 
had likewise disobeyed the order of his chief, the Minister 
of War, who had ordered him to come at once. 

He had, on his own authority, summoned to Paris 
General Leflo, one of the men of '48, who constantly 
showed his ardent republicanism by his words, and who 
desired nothing better than to confirm it by his actions. 

He received some rioters who came to complain of the 
action of the police, and he sent them away with these 
words, "Be easy, the people will soon be their own 
police!" 

He entrusted M. Steenackers, a Deputy of the Left, 
with an order to the National Guards of Neuilly to as- 
semble the next morning on the Place de la Concorde, 

137 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

and the newspaper Le Siecle (his mouthpiece) elaborated 
this into an order for all the Parisian battalions to meet 
at the same place. 

On his side, M. Schneider returned to the Presidential 
residence and hastened, in spite of his tearful promises, to 
send a house to house summons to all the Deputies for the 
night sitting, which opened at midnight. 

The ministerial bench was empty; the Ministers by 
their absence protested against the violation of the under- 
taking given. Jules Favre boldly proposed dethronement, 
and M. Pinard opposed him with much courage and elo- 
quence. M. Thiers, who was still flattering himself that 
he could dominate the situation, took away Jules Favre in 
his carriage, explaining to him that the majority wanted 
the substance of abdication without the form. These 
scruples were a cowardly sham, which did not deserve to 
be taken seriously and which sealed the fate of that 
Assembly! The rest of the night passed in preparing 
banners on which were inscribed with consummate impu- 
dence the numbers of the vote that they counted on ob- 
taining from a weak and discredited Parliament — 185 out 
of 200! M. de Keratry organized to the best of his ability 
the outbreak for the next day, but as one has already seen, 
General Trochu had left him very little to do. 

From midnight to two in the morning huge crowds 
moved about on the Place de la Concorde and in the Rue 
de Rivoli, crying aloud for "deposition!" In the center 
of this Paris, so full of lights and movement that one could 
hardly tell whether it was the scene of revolution or re- 
joicing, the great palace between the closed garden and 
the deserted court remained black and mournful, with its 
windows all dark, like an isle of shadow and silence in 
the midst of a sea of fire. 

138 



The Dawn of Revolution 



Several times I opened the French window which led 
from the ladies' drawing-room on to a little balcony, and 
from which I could see the whole garden of the Tuileries ; 
I listened to the mysterious clamor which floated through 
the night, a clamor so menacing that at times one could 
not but think that the final assault was near at hand. 

At last things became quieter, and when dawn began to 
show itself above the innumerable chimneys rising above 
the roofs of the Rue de Rivoli, silence had settled around 
us. It was a delightful summer morning, fresh and pure. 
Instead of the frantic cries of "deposition! " I heard the 
continual twittering of birds in the big chestnuts which 
began dimly to show themselves bathed in a bluish mist. 

It seemed to me that I must have dreamt; that those 
cries, that tumult, were only a feverish nightmare, and 
that the dawn of a new day would find us all reconciled and 
working in common for the salvation of our country; but 
man pays no heed to the lessons taught him by the serene 
and pacific activities of nature; a soft and glorious summer 
morning is as suitable for a revolution as a tempestuous 
night, and the dawn which rose over the besieged Tuileries 
on August lo, 1792, may well have been as peaceful and 
as pure. 

This comparison passed through my mind, and know- 
ing that we were absolutely without means of defense, I 
asked myself if the end of the day would find the last 
Sovereign of France still living! 

At seven o'clock the Empress was up. At seven-thirty 
she heard Mass in her oratory. Five or six persons only 
were present at this Mass — Mme. Aguado, Mme. Lebre- 
ton. Admiral Jurien, Eugene Conneau and the ladies' 
maids. We knelt on the floor in deep and earnest medi- 
tation, the women weeping silently. 

139 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

After Mass I approached the Regent and ventured to 
say, "Madame, there Is nothing more to be done In Paris. 
You must leave this hell, transport your Government to 
some town on the Loire and call around you the Corps 
legislatif.^ I will go and fetch the Prince from the north 
and bring him to your Majesty." 

"That would mean civil war," the Empress replied. 
"The strength of our resistance against the Prussians 
would be broken In half — and for what end.? he who has 
not Paris has nothing. No, I shall not move from here." 

"Your Majesty, then, will defend yourself?" 

"I shall not move, but I will not allow a shot to be 
fired." 

What was It that she meant to do ? 

Perhaps her Idea was to combat the Insurrection with 
the strength of her own personal courage — to challenge, as 
It were, the Parisians to commit on her a cowardly crime 
which would stain their annals for ever, and to sway them 
by the wonderful magic that had for the last month made 
all her followers enthusiastic and almost fanatical in her 
service. 

She had said to me a few days before: "If they will 
not have me any longer as Empress, I shall ask them to 
keep me as a hospital nurse."^ 

At this moment a message was brought from M. de 

^This was exactly the advice brought by M. Stephen Liegeard before the night 
sitting in his own name and that of a certain number of his colleagues. He had sug- 
gested Blois and the castle recently presented by the town to the Prince Imperial. 
I did not know of this step of M. Liegeard's which coincided so well with my 
own feelings. 

2 Later, in exile, when speaking of that day, the Empress said, "I had no fear of 
death. What I feared was falling into the hands of ruffians or vixens who would 
add some shameful or ridiculous episode, who would have tried to dishonor as well 
as murder me. I imagined nameless indignities and I heard ferocious laughter — for, 
mind you, les ' tricoteuses' have left descendants." 

140 



300,000 Parisian Bayonets 



Lesseps to the Empress. He told me himself that day 
that he had gone at six o'clock to waken his friend Gir- 
ardin and that he had found him shaving. "Emile," 
he said, "they are going to make a revolution." Girardin 
replied simply, "You see, I am already shaved"; upon 
which they had tried to think of some way of salvation 
and they had come to submit it to the Empress. 

Their advice amounted to this: "Resign all your powers 
Into the hands of the Corps legislatif.^^ A Council of 
Regency would then be formed quite Independent of 
the Empress, but de Lesseps was persuaded that if she 
showed an Inclination to retire they would entreat her to 
stop.^ But the Empress flatly refused to discuss this 
idea. "One can only," she said, "give up that which 
is one's own, but never that which one has received In 
trust — the Sovereignty Is not mine to give — I shall never 
abdicate." 

The Council of Ministers met again at eight o'clock. 
One of Its members, Clement Duvernois, proposed that 
they should use the powers of martial law, arrest the 
leaders of the Left and terrorize the revolutionary party 
by severe measures. 

He forgot that to employ force the first necessary con- 
dition Is to have It in your own hands. From his seat he 
could have easily counted the defenders of the Tuilerles, 
all whom we would count on to oppose the 300,000 Paris- 
ian bayonets — In the private garden were three compan- 
ies of Light Infantry, In the courtyard were two companies 
of Grenadiers and a squadron of Cuirassiers. 

^ He has since assured me that Barthelemy St. Hilaire confirmed him in this 
idea. 

"We desired nothing more than to keep the Empress with us," said the secretary 
of M. Thiers' government. 

I can only say that this contradicts all that we know of the feelings of Thiers and his 
evidence before the Commission of Inquiry. 

141 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Moreover, General Mellinet was by no means certain 
that these troops would obey the command if he ordered 
them to fire. ' 

No one stopt to consider the proposition of Duver- 
nois, and it was decided to submit to the Corps legis- 
latif the idea of creating a Council of Regency armed 
with absolute powers, as in the plan of Girardin and 
Lesseps, but in this ministerial project it was necessary 
that the Empress should preside over this council. 

There was no possible hope that such a project would 
be accepted by the Assembly. For its success it would 
have been essential that M. Thiers should support it, and 
that the Corps legislatif should be sheltered from popular 
violence. We knew that neither condition could be 
fulfilled. 

During the council I had to send a telegram to Charles 
Duperre by order of the Empress. The Prince was now 
at Maubeuge, and his aides-de-camp received contradic- 
tory orders from Paris and from Bouillon, to which place 
the Emperor had been taken. Here is the text of the tele- 
gram, in which only a few of the words were in cipher 
according to the private code I had drawn up two days 
previously. 

"Received your two telegrams; you shall have verbal 
instructions before this evening and a letter from me by 
the man you have sent. The Empress wishes you to take 
no notice of the communications from Bouillon. The 
Emperor cannot appreciate the situation. — Filon." 

The officers and ladies of the household who were in 
Paris at the time were now arriving. They did not come 
to offer advice, but to show their devotion by their pres- 
ence and share the perils of their Sovereign. The rooms 
on the ground floor and those on the first floor were 

142 



Loyalty of the Household 



quickly filled, and the occupants only left after the depar- 
ture of the Empress. 

I wish to call attention to this fact which is so honor- 
able to those who were faithful to the last hour. I need 
not defend the charges of foolishness and corruption which 
have been so lightly cast at that Court where one met men 
of sterling worth and women of exalted virtue, but it is my 
duty to state here how this Court behaved in the day of 
trouble. 

Lord Rosebery rightly notices the appalling manner 
in which Napoleon I and his family were deserted when 
the hour of final disaster came, and he contrasts this isola- 
tion with the eagerness of the French nobility to honor 
the fallen Bourbons and offer themselves as a rampart to 
their Princes against danger and as a retinue to them in 
their exile. 

The fall of the second Empire does not justify a simi- 
lar parallel. On September 4 the old and new nobility 
whom Napoleon III had gathered around him were very 
largely and worthily represented at the Tuileries. More 
than forty names come into my mind; these include only 
those whom I encountered personally in my goings to and 
fro, and even of those there must be many names I have 
now forgotten. 

In the early hours of the morning the Regent had sent 
Admiral Jurien to the Governor of Paris to ask him to 
come to her as he had promised to do the previous evening. 

"Well, how about General Trochu?" asked the Em- 
press when the admiral returned. But the admiral, 
overcome, simply dropt his arms with a despairing gest- 
ure. He had just seen shattered the illusions to which 
he had so long clung. His invincible optimism was con- 
quered. The general, instead of coming in person, sent 

143 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

his chief-of-staff, General Schmitz, who never got further 
than the "guichet de TEchelle."! 

Trochu, who wandered about all day in the neighbor- 
hood, has given as an explanation that he was unable to 
get to the Empress. Now up to a quarter past three 
carriages and pedestrians entered and left without any 
difficulty, but the Governor of Paris, accompanied by fifty 
mounted officers, General Trochu, the idol of Paris, before 
whom crowds respectfully gave way, could not find means 
to enter the Tuileries! 

Why could he not enter by the inner passages that I 
used when I went out? 

But the climax was the last communication from the 
general to the Regent, when the Tuileries were threatened 
and he knew her to be in real danger. 

He told her that he placed at her disposal an officer 
of the Mobiles — "in uniform." This ^^ En uniforme''^ 
seems to me to be on a level of comical cynicism which 
has rarely been attained on the stage. It is the " Tarte a 
la creme^^ of the Fourth of September, 1870. It was thus 
that the general was prepared "to lay down his life on the 
steps of the throne" ^ by proxy! 

The news which now reached us was terrible, and our 
situation became worse at every hour. 

The Place de la Concorde was full of armed men whose 
intentions were by no means doubtful — they were the 
National Guards called up by General Trochu. They 
were not fully equipped but all had rifles. It has already 
been pointed out what feeble forces we had to oppose this 
Grand Army of insurrection, and that even these few 

^ The "guichet de rEchelle" was a side entrance to the Tuileries, towards the 
Rue de Rivoli, generally used by private visitors (Translator's Note). 

2 Cf. page 124. 

144 



Deputation from Parliament 

troops were by no means to be trusted. Moreover, we 
were not to put their fidelity to the test as the Empress 
had repeatedly forbidden General Mellinet to fire on the 
people, and she renewed this order in my presence. Be- 
sides, we had the enemy already within our walls, for the 
National Guards, so manifestly hostile, had for several 
days shared the duties of guarding the Tuilerles with the 
regulars, and they looked at us with a mocking air, as 
much as to say, "Your minutes are numbered!" 

Towards twelve or half-past (I am not quite certain of 
the precise time) a deputation came from the Corps legis- 
latif of whom the principal members were M. Buffet and 
Comte Daru. They were introduced to the Empress by 
their colleagues the Comte d'Ayguesvives and the Baron 
de Pierres, who had both been attached to the house- 
hold, one as chamberlain to the Emperor, the other as 
equerry to the Empress. The Empress had with her 
Admiral Jurien and the Comtesse de la Poeze. 

We others were going backwards and forwards engaged 
in all kinds of work. That is perhaps why the general 
effect of the scene remains in my memory whilst some 
minor details have escaped me. 

It will be better, moreover, to let MM. Bufi"et and 
Daru speak, for they are two witnesses whose word is 
beyond suspicion and whom no one could accuse of 
partiality towards the Imperial Family. M. Buff'et has 
related the facts before the Commission of Parliamentary 
Inquiry, of which Comte Daru was president, and the 
latter has confirmed and completed several times the 
evidence of his friend. 

M. Buffet spoke first. He showed the Empress the 
reasons which made him and a large number of his col- 
leagues feel sure that the scheme adopted that morn- 

I4S 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

ing by the Council of Ministers had no chance of being 
accepted — that therefore there was no alternative to 
oppose to the motion for deposition, unless the Empress, 
by a spontaneous act, consented to place the executive 
power in the hands of the Corps legislatif. The Assembly 
would then nominate a provisional Government, around 
which all honest men could rally and which would work 
solely for the salvation of the countr}^, without prejudice 
to the dynastic question, which would remain intact. 

It was a disguised abdication which they asked of the 
Empress; but what use would it have been? The scheme 
of the Deputies was as illusory as that of the Ministers, 
and the hour for such compromises and half measures was 
past. But we did not yet know how powerless the Corps 
legislatif was, nor had that assembly itself yet realized its 
own weakness. 

The Empress replied calmly and with great dignity.^ 

"That which you ask me to do, gentlemen, safeguards 
the future, so you tell me, but on condition that I quit now 
in the hour of greatest peril the post with which I have 
been entrusted. To this I cannot and dare not consent. 
. . . The future is to-day the least of my worries; I do 
not mean by this the future of France but the future of 
our Dynasty. 

"Believe me, gentlemen, the ordeals to which I have 
been subjected have been so painful and so horrible that 
at present the thought of preserving the Crown for the 
Emperor weighs very little with me. 

"My only anxiety, my one ambition is to carry out 
fully the duties which have been imposed on me. If you 
think — if the Corps legislatif thinks that I may be an 

1 These are the expressions employed by M. Buffet. Later on he referred to the 
"calm energy" of the Empress. 

146 



Speech by the Empress 



obstacle, and that the name of the Emperor may be an 
obstacle rather than a rallying-point and a symbol of re- 
sistance, then let them pronounce our deposition; I shall 
not complain, I can then quit my post with honor, I shall 
not have deserted It. But I am convinced that the only 
judicious and patriotic action for the country's represen- 
tatives is to rally round me and my Government, to put on 
one side for the present all Internal questions and to unite 
our efforts firmly to repel the Invader. ... As for myself, 
I am ready to face all dangers and to follow the Corps 
legislatif wherever it desires to form a nucleus of resist- 
ance. If this resistance were finally acknowledged to be 
impossible, I believe I could still be useful to obtain less 
unfavorable conditions of peace. Yesterday the ambas- 
sador of a great Power made me an offer to propose to 
neutral States mediation on the following two bases: 
First, the integrity of the territory of France; secondly, 
the maintenance of the Imperial Dynasty. I have replied 
that I was disposed to accept mediation on the first point, 
but I firmly declined to consider It on the second. 

"The maintenance of the Dynasty is a question which 
matters only to this country, and I will never permit 
foreign Powers to Intervene in our internal arrange- 
ments. ..." 

Several Deputies then spoke one after the other, set- 
ting forth new arguments or repeating under a different 
form those which M. Buffet had previously brought for- 
ward. 

A sort of confused conversation then followed. In which 
answers did not always correspond to questions. It was 
Interrupted by frequent messages from the Prefect of 
Police, who kept the Empress informed of the progress 
of the disorder. 

147 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

She passed these on to M. Daru, who read them out 
loud. 

These gentlemen were greatly moved and have ac- 
knowledged it before the Commission of Inquiry, and 
the tone of their evidence before that Commission showed 
how this emotion was revived by the recollection of that 
scene. With it was mingled a feeling of admiration which 
they were at no pains to conceal. 

"Was the Empress calm.^"' asked the Comte de Dur- 
fort de Civrac, and M. Buffet replied, " She was perfectly 
calm." When the Empress told the Deputies that in her 
opinion the true and only means of effectually confronting 
the danger was to rally round her and her Government, 
M. Buffet exclaimed (and I am certain he was absolutely 
sincere) that for himself he was quite ready to do so if it 
had still been possible. 

It was M. Daru, if I do not mistake, who understood 
best how to appeal to the Sovereign's inner feelings. 

"You fear, Madame, that you may be accused of de- 
serting your post, but you will have given a very great 
proof of courage in sacrificing yourself for the public good 
and in sparing France the horrors of a revolution — and 
that a revolution in the face of the enemy." 

The Empress was plainly shaken. She had remained 
inflexible when they spoke of her interest; she listened 
to Daru when he spoke of duty, but her respect for legality 
— one of the dominant traits of her political character — 
now made her hesitate. "Well," she said, "if my Minis- 
ters range themselves on your side I will agree; I ask only 
one thing — that they will find me a house somewhere, and 
that I may be permitted to share to the very end the suf- 
ferings of the besieged capital." 

The Deputies retired with this conditional agreement. 

148 



The Mob Invades the Chamber 

I saw them passing slowly out with bowed heads and 
solemn mien, like mourners who have just thrown the last 
drops of holy water on a coffin. 

They found on returning to the Corps legislatif that 
their enterprise was hopeless, and no further communica- 
tion came to us from that quarter. 

The sitting had opened with three motions before the 
Assembly: one emanated from the revolutionary Left and 
was brought forward by Jules Favre; the second was pre- 
sented by M. Thiers in the name of the Center; the third 
was the scheme of the Government. The first proclaimed 
the deposition of the Sovereign, the second made it in- 
formal; that put forward by the Ministers we are already 
acquainted with. The Deputies went into committee to 
deliberate. At this moment M. Jacob, who was respon- 
sible for the policing of the approaches to the Chamber, 
received an order from General Trochu to withdraw his 
policemen who barred the way along the embankment; 
this was the sole instance in which the Governor of Paris 
made use of the powers which had been conferred on him 
by the state of martial law, and which placed the civil 
powers under the military authority. 

The gates were opened to the people by the National 
Guards of the picquet which was commanded that day 
by Clement Laurier and Gabriel Ferry; the Chamber was 
invaded by the mob. The deposition of the Emperor and 
Empress was then "pronounced," as France learnt by a 
telegram of Gambetta's. His statement would have 
gained in accuracy if he had only added that the deposi- 
tion had been pronounced by himself in the rostrum to the 
applause of some 500 insurgents who occupied the benches. 

Jules Favre then started immediately for the Hotel de 

Ville, accompanied by a considerable crowd; on the 

149 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Tuileries Quay he met the Governor of Paris, on horseback 
at the head of a numerous staff, who was apparently, in 
the words of Jules Favre, "awaiting events." 

"We are going to the Hotel de Ville," said Jules Favre, 
"come with us, General," and Trochu replied,^ "Very 
well, I will come," and he went. The rest is well known. 
The conscience of General Trochu was at rest, had 
he not put at the disposition of the Empress a captain 
of Mobiles "in uniform"? ^ 

All this was happening close to us, almost in sight of 
the Tuileries, but we knew nothing of it. No further news 
was reaching us. 

Those who had left the palace to find out what had 
happened at the Corps legislatif — Lesseps was one of them 
— had not yet returned. 

At last we saw Henri Chevreau, Jerome David and 
Busson-Billault coming from the Palais Bourbon, which 
was already in the hands of the mob. 

They announced the invasion of the precincts of Par- 
liament as an accomplished fact; the invasion of the 
Tuileries, they declared, would follow almost immediately; 
nothing was to be expected from the soldiers; a whole 
battalion had just thrown down its rifles in the Court of 
the Corps legislatif. 

Even if, per impossibile, we had succeeded in clearing 

^ The fact is attested by one of those who accompanied Jules Favre, a staunch 
Republican and an honorable man, whose evidence no one would challenge: M. Rob- 
inet, assistant to the mayor of one of the arrondissements of Paris during the 
first siege. 

- The conscience of General Trochu also suggested something else. His first decree 
was thus conceived. 

Art. I. Public servants of all classes are hereby released from their oaths to the 
Imperial Government. 

Art. 2. The oath of allegiance is finally abolished. 

This was doubtless in his mind, a retrospective legalization of his own conduct, an 
absolution which he administered to himself. 

ISO 



The Empress is Urged to Leave 

the insurgents out of the Assembly and in giving the latter 
the possibility of deliberating in freedom, it was clear, from 
the step taken an hour before by M. Buffet and his col- 
leagues, that the Empress could no longer count on the 
support of the Majority. 

The Governor of Paris, who had three times refused to 
obey her summons, was manifestly on the side of the 
insurgents. 

Paris was in the power of the National Guard, and the 
National Guard appeared solid in favor of the Revolution. 

The Ministers, now persuaded that all resistance was 
useless, advised the Sovereign to leave the Palace. Prince 
Metternich and the Chevalier Nigra united in giving the 
same advice, which was also supported by Admiral Jurien 
and by Conti. 

The Empress was shaken, but as yet refused to yield. 
Her first thought was for the safety of her son, and she 
wished to telegraph to Charles Duperre that he should 
take the Prince across the frontier without delay. I there- 
fore sent the following telegram: 

"Leave immediately for Belgium. — Filon." 

Only the last two words, Belgium and my own name, 
were in clear, the rest was in our own cipher. 

It is this telegram which was travestied in the "papers 
found at the Tuileries" under the form of a stupid pun. 
They presented it as "the last buffoonery of the Empire"; 
it was merely the first one of the Republic.^ 

^ I think it unnecessary to discuss at length this imposture which has been ex- 
plained many times over. I suppose that the telegraphists gave the Commissioners 
charged with the examination of the papers net the cipher text, but a translation 
of which they were the authors and which the Commission was foolish enough to 
accept. 

One would have thought that any man of average intelligence would have seen 
through such an absurd concoction. 

The telegram with the pun which they introduced ["Filons sur Belgique. — Fi- 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

After having sent off the telegram, I said to myself that 
the end of the drama was not far off, and I ran to my room 
to get my revolver. 

Always hastening, I went through the Prince's study 
to assure myself that the precious objects it contained (the 
souvenirs of St. Helena; the hat, the gray overcoat, and 
the traveling library of Napoleon I) had been taken away. 
I came back in all haste to the Empress's room, which I 
found empty. I had been absent a quarter of an hour. 
What had happened during that quarter of an hour.f* 

Everyone around the Empress had insisted that she 
ought to leave. One of them had said: "You will not 
abdicate? . . . Well, in an hour you will be in the hands 
of those who will make you abdicate by force, and you will 
have thus sacrificed the rights which you hold in trust. If 
you get away, no matter where you go, you carry these 
rights with you." 

I am sure that this was the argument which convinced 
the Empress. xA-U at once she made up her mind. Noth- 
ing had been arranged in view of this flight. Mme. 
Lebreton had in her pocket change for a 500-franc note, 
which de Lesseps had been to fetch in the morning. There 
was no other preparation. The Empress put on her hat, 
said good-by to the three Ministers, embraced a few 
ladies, and gave General Mellinet orders to withdraw the 
troops as soon as her retainers had left the Palace. 

The old soldier kissed her hand with tears in his eyes. 
Then she left her home by a small dark passage, lighted 

Ion."] became sheer nonsense. It could only have meant that we (that is to say, 
the Empress and her household) were about to pass into Belgium, which was clearly 
false. If it was meant to imply that Duperre and the Prince were to cross the fron- 
tier, the wording was absolutely misleading and would have left the officer for whom 
it was intended very perplexed and troubled. The Commandant Duperre awaited 
a clear and precise order, this he received and carried out without losing a 
moment. 



The Armed Crowd Before the Tuileries 

day and night by lamps, which ran behind her bedroom 
and dressing-room. All this was done in a few minutes. 

I was dumbfounded to find the apartment empty after 
such a short absence. But I was not left much time for 
wondering. 

A telegram was brought me from the Emperor to the 
Empress, the first we had received since the morning of 
August 31. It was dated from Brussels, September 4, at 
6 A. M. Evidently it had been in the hands of the operators 
of the Imperial telegraph office for some hours. They had 
delayed sending it on until they had seen the standard 
taken down, and they hoped the message would never 
arrive at its destination. 

It can be imagined with what eagerness I set myself to 
decipher it. I had been entirely absorbed in this task for 
some moments when the chief of the Empress's ushers 
rushed in in a very excited state. "But, Monsieur, you do 
not know, then, what has happened.^" he said. "The 
Empress has gone, everyone has gone, and the people are 
now swarming into the Tuileries." 

I hastily replaced the cipher in its box, which I put into 
the drawer of a little table. After locking the drawer with 
the key, which never left my possession, I put the half- 
deciphered telegram in my pocket, and ran to the Salle des 
Marechaux. There from the central window I could judge 
of the situation. 

An immense armed crowd surged heavily against the 
railings on the side which separated the public from the 
private gardens ; it filled the principal avenue, overflowing 
into the flower beds, its tail stretching right away to the 
ornamental water on the Place de la Concorde, and thence 
into the Champs Ely sees. 

From my position nothing could be seen but heads and 

153 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

bayonets. All those heads were turned towards the Palace. 
Melllnet's Light Infantry, lined up since the morning on 
the asphalt avenue which runs from the Pont Royal to the 
Rue des Pyramides, had already begun their retreat. 

I went down to the archway, where there were still 
several members of the household. Having nothing fur- 
ther to do in the Tuileries, I left the Palace with the Comte 
de Suarez d'Aulan and Louis Conneau, by a secret passage 
which opened in the guard house of the Light Infantry. 

I did not witness the final invasion of the Tuileries. 
This scene was described to me a little later by de Lesseps, 
when he came to England to receive the Order of the Star 
of India from the hand of Queen Victoria. 

I give his characteristic account just as I wrote it down 
almost immediately after I had heard it from his lips. 
Those who knew the man will find it typical of him. I 
believe it to be quite true in the main, though he ex- 
aggerates a little the importance of his own part. 

"I had gone," said Lesseps, "to the Corps legislatif 
with a note from the Household and to bring back news. 
I found the Chamber invaded and the Deputies gathered 
in the committee rooms. I came back by the Quai d'Orsay 
A huge crowd had gathered in front of the offices of the 
Journal Officiel. They were destroying the Imperial arms 
on the building. I crossed the bridge. An immense mob 
barred my way through the gate. I said to them, 
'Haven't you heard .^ They are having a jolly good 
time over there, smashing the Imperial arms in front of 
the offices of the Journal Officiel.'' The whole lot ran off 
to the other side of the Seine, and I got through the gate. 

"On entering the Tuileries I met Jurien, who had left 
the Empress to harangue the mob; he could not find either 
the Empress or the mob, and had quite lost his head. 

154 



De Lesseps' Story 



"I went on towards the big clock; there was no one 
there. I met General de Montebello, who was in mufti, 
and I said to him, 'I am going to speak to these gentry.' 
I jumped the railings and crossed over to the insurgents 
gathered on the other side of the ornamental water. A 
mobile of my son's battalion cried, 'Hallo! that is de 
Lesseps.' I said, ''Mobiles, to the front,' and they allowed 
the Mobiles to come forward. You know these young men 
were very popular. I said to them, 'Yes, truly I am M. de 
Lesseps, the cousin of the Empress. She has gone. What 
do you want at the Tuileries ? ' A big, strong fellow came 
up to me and said, ' M. de Lesseps, I have come here to 
prevent disorder.' 'And your name.^*' I asked. 'Vic- 
torien Sardou,' he replied. 'Ah! very good.' And I held 
out my hand. 'Help me to hold them for a bit.' 

"I thus gained a little time. I again jumped the rail- 
ings. I went to find Mellinet, and made him get up on a 
chair. In the meantime I sent Gardonne to make sure 
that the Empress had gone. He returned and told me that 
she had. 

"Then I said to the crowd, 'You want to pass through 
the Tuileries to go to the Hotel de Ville. Why not go by 
the side gates instead of passing by the clock archway .f*' 

"They stuck to their idea, however. I sent back the 
Imperial Guard, and put the National Guards in charge; 
then seeing no way to convince the mob, I said to the 
National Guards, 'Gentlemen, we must let the stream flow 
but we will make a steep bank for it. It is my job, you 
know, making banks.' And so we made a bank. I stayed 
there for an hour and a half. 

"A big, red-faced fellow put his fist under my nose 
and said, ' T^! You don't look pleased, Citizen.' I re- 
plied, ' T^l Go to h— , Citizen ! '" 

155 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Let me now resume. Whilst the people were passing 
through the archway of the great clock, between the 
"banks" provided by de Lesseps, I had taken young 
Conneau to his home. I then put all my papers in safety, 
and was free to go and reassure my own people, who were 
in the greatest anxiety concerning me. 

I had now only two thoughts — to find the Empress and 
to regain possession of the cipher, which I had forgotten at 
the moment of my departure. 

The Regent had left, I had been told, with Prince 
Metternich and the Chevalier Nigra. At half-past seven 
I was at the Austrian Embassy. 

There they told me that Prince Metternich had dined 
with the Chevalier Nigra, and I immediately went round 
to the Italian Embassy, which was situated at the Rond 
Point of the Champs Elysees, and I sent up my card. 
These gentlemen at once left the table and came to meet 
me. As I went up the staircase I saw them on the first- 
floor landing, watching my approach anxiously. 

"Well," they said to me, "where is she?" 

"But that is what I came to ask you" 

They then told me the circumstances of the Empress's 
departure, and explained to me how they had lost sight 
of her. 

Heartbroken at not being able to rejoin the Empress, I 
told them of my second cause of terrible anxiety, the for- 
gotten cipher. I confided to them that I was determined 
at all hazards to recover it, in which decision they both 
encouraged me. I then returned to the Tuileries. 

After trying for several hours I succeeded at last, after 
two unsuccessful attempts, in getting into the Empress's 
rooms. 

Instead of the brave and noble women that I had seen 

156 



Gambetta's Lying Telegram 

there that same afternoon I found some National Guards, 
who had billeted themselves in the apartments. 

A jug of large dimensions on the table in the drawing- 
room sacred to the ladies-in-waiting, and a quantity of 
coarse broken glasses, overturned chairs, and marks of 
dirty boots on the polished parquet were the only signs 
which marked the passage of a Revolution. 

In spite of the presence of a large number of witnesses, 
I was able to take away the cipher for the Imperial corre- 
spondence, without anyone guessing who I was or what I 
had come for. 

It was past midnight when, in my own home in the Rue 
St. Placide, I at last deciphered the telegram from Na- 
poleon III. At that time the Revolution was an accom- 
plished fact. The Government born of the insurrection, 
and now four or five hours old, had turned out of the 
Parliament building, with an air of injured legality, the 
legitimate representatives of universal suffrage, who had 
attempted to reassemble. France, from one end of the 
country to the other, had swallowed and digested the lying 
telegram of Gambetta. 

Trochu, who had risen in the morning as the Emperor's 
Governor of Paris, went to bed that night as President of 
the Republic, or something near it, after having destroyed 
the Government of which he had formed part and acted as 
leader to the rebellion which it was his duty to have put 
down. The Empress, whom he had sworn to defend to his 
last breath, had been hunted from her Palace and sepa- 
rated from her servants, and was vainly trying to get a few 
hours of repose, which overpowering fatigue disputed with 
mental anguish, knowing that at break of day she would 
begin the first stage of her exile. We shall now follow the 
fortunes of her journey. 

157 



CHAPTER VIII 

FROM THE TUILERIES TO HASTINGS ^ 

WHEN the Empress was at last persuaded to leave 
theTuileries Her Majesty quitted her apartments 
and crossed the Galerie de Diane. She was ac- 
companied by Mme. Lebreton-Bourbaki, Prince Metter- 
nich, the Chevalier Nigra, Admiral Jurien de la Gravi^re, 
M. Conti, and M. Eugene Conneau. It was then half- 
past three. 

When Her Majesty reached that end of the Galerie de 
Diane which is next to the Pavilion de Flore, she turned 
to the left and followed the gallery which extended along 
the modern part of the Palace. She then crossed the new 
Salle des Etats, and found herself in front of the little 
door which opens into the great Galerie of the Louvre. 
This door was locked. The Empress and those with her 
had to retrace their steps, and they returned to the Pavil- 
ion de Flore, whence it was possible to reach the under- 
ground kitchens communicating with the bank of the 
Seine. But just when the Empress and those who accom- 
panied her were about to descend the stairs, their attention 
was attracted by a sudden commotion in the Courtyard of 
the Tuileries, where a number of persons came rushing in 
confusion. The natural inference was that the mob had 
broken into the Tuileries, and the little party of fugitives 

^ A few days after we had settled at Chislehurst, Mme. Lebreton, at the request 
of the Empress, told me all that had transpired from the moment that the Empress 
left her apartments to the hour when she set her foot on English soil. I wrote down 
her narrative as nearly as possible in her own words, and then I read it 
over to her in order to make sure that I had not omitted or altered any- 
thing. It is this narrative which I reproduce in this chapter, word for word. 



Leaving the Tuileries 



went back to the first floor of the Palace, whilst Admiral 
Jurien de la Graviere, separating himself from the anxious 
group which surrounded the Empress, went to reconnoiter, 
and ascertain whether it was possible for him to parley 
with the crowd. As if by instinct the fugitives went back 
by the way they had come, and from time to time they 
stopt to see how affairs were progressing outside the 
Palace. On the quay the tumult increased minute by 
minute, and the angry yells of the crowd were distinctly 
audible to the Empress. 

In the Courtyard of the Tuileries troops were moving. 
The cavalry fell back behind the infantry, a movement 
which caused the crowd on the Carrousel to think that the 
infantry were about to use their rifles; but in reality the 
Tuileries were on the point of being abandoned. General 
Mellinet was parleying with the main body of the in- 
surgents, which was trying to invade the Palace from the 
side of the gardens. Already the Standard was lowered, 
and the rumor had spread everywhere that the Empress 
had left the Palace; so those of her servants who had 
remained behind, reassured as to the safety of their mis- 
tress, now hastened their own departure. 

The little group at last found itself again in front of 
the door opening into the Louvre, and this door was now 
open. The Empress went into the Museum, now denuded 
of nearly all the best pictures, which were about to be sent 
to Brest by her orders, there to remain in comparative 
safety. The party successively crossed the great Galerie, 
the great square Salon and the Galerie d'Apollon, one of 
the Museum attendants walking in front of the Empress 
to show her the way. 

When the Empress reached the Salon, known as the 
Room of the Seven Chimneys, she suddenly paused in 

159 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

front of Gericault's painting of the wreck of the Medusa. 
She had remembered those persons who had remained at 
the Tuileries, and who were, she thought, as yet unaware 
of her departure. She gave instructions to M. Conneau 
to return and inform them of what had happened, and also 
to see that they left the Palace in safety. M. Conneau at 
once obeyed, and took leave of Her Majesty, kissing her 
hand. The attendant, who witnessed this incident, sa- 
luted, as if realizing for the first time the identity of the 
lady to whom he was acting as guide. He then resumed 
his duty, and once again walked ahead of the Empress. 

At the end of this succession of galleries, which were 
formerly hung with paintings of the French School, a land- 
ing opens out, which communicates with the Colonnade. 
From there a wide, straight staircase descends to the 
gallery containing the Egyptian antiquities. At the top 
of the staircase the little group again lost one of its mem- 
bers, as M. Conti left it by the express wish of the Empress. 
Her Majesty embraced M. Conti, and bade him au revoir, 
but she could give him no idea as to where they might next 
meet, as she felt that chance alone would direct her steps 
when she left the Tuileries. 

The fugitives now found themselves beneath the arch- 
way which connects the Courtyard of the Louvre with the 
Place Saint Germain I'Auxerrois. The iron-barred gates 
were closed, and they tried in vain to open one of the side 
entrances. There was no alternative except to go out by 
the middle door. This was flung open by the porter. 
The Empress took the arm of Chevalier Nigra, and Mme. 
Lebreton that of Prince Metternich, and they crossed the 
wide space which separates the two flower gardens, known 
as "Les Jardins de ITnfante." Two streams of people, 
one coming from the Quay, and the other from the Rue de 

i6o 



A Tense Moment 



Rivoli, met and mingled on the little tree-planted square 
in front of Saint Germain I'Auxerrois, and the narrow 
streets opening off the square added ever-increasing con- 
tingents to the crowd. 

At this moment a lad of about eighteen to twenty years 
of age noticed the two woman and ran towards them. He 
apparently recognized the Empress, threatened her for an 
instant with his fist, and then rushed back to the crowd, 
shouting as if to announce his discovery. But his voice 
was lost in the deafening noise, and the Empress was able 
to save herself by jumping into one of the hackney car- 
riages which were standing on the rank. The carriage was, 
most fortunately, closed. Mme. Lebreton seated herself 
beside the Empress, and gave the driver the address of a 
friend, whose nationality she thought would prove an 
effective protection against suspicions and dangers, and 
who only that morning had come to offer the Empress 
every assurance of fidelity and devotion. 

Just as the carriage was driving off, the lad reappeared 
and thrust his fist in the face of the Empress, muttering 
unintelligible threats; but as he did so the Chevalier Nigra 
seized him and held him back until the carriage was lost 
to sight in the crowd. 

As to Prince Metternich, he had moved away a moment 
before in the direction of the Quay, doubtless with the 
intention of placing a carriage which was stationed a little 
distance off at the Empress's disposal. 

The hackney carriage proceeded at a walking pace 

through the crowded Rue de Rivoli. Part of the mob was 

going to the Hotel de Ville to cheer the new Government, 

and part of it was going to assist at the downfall of the 

Tuileries, and to see the home of the Kings of France once 

more delivered into the hands of the people. Cries of 

i6i 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"Long live the Republic!" "Long live the Nation!" and 
"Down with the Empire!" were heard on all sides. At 
the windows of the Louvre Barracks, soldiers wearing the 
uniform of the Imperial Guard watched the riot, and some 
of the young ones voiced the popular cries ; the older men 
were silent. 

The Empress, who had lowered her veil and covered 
her mouth with her hand, took in every detail of the scene. 
Some of the passers-by glanced inside the carriage, and 
one common fellow thrust his head through the door oppo- 
site the Empress and shouted at the top of his voice, 
"Long live the Nation!" 

When opposite the Rue du 29 Juillet, Mme. Lebreton 
asked the driver to try and get out of the Rue de Rivoli. 
"We are rather in a hurry," she told him, "and we should 
be much obliged if you could possibly avoid the crowded 
streets." The driver obeyed, and whipt up his horses. 
At the corner of the Rue Caumartin and the Boulevard des 
Capucines the Empress noticed a number of people who 
had torn down and smashed the Imperial escutcheon 
which had been displayed outside a shop. This caused the 
Empress to turn to Mme. Lebreton with the remark, 
"They have lost no time!" 

The carriage stopped at No. — Boulevard Males- 
herbes, but the concierge told them that the person for 
whom they were looking was away, and that the flat was 
shut up. As the driver had been paid and dismissed it 
was necessary to get another carriage. This was quickly 
fetched, and the Empress drove off in it to the residence 
of M. de Piennes, in the Avenue de Wagram. But M. de 
Piennes was away from home, and the servant in charge 
could only answer questions from the other side of the 
door, as by some misadventure he had been locked in and 

162 



Dr. Evans 

could not open the door to the strangers who were standing 
outside. 

As a last resort the Empress bethought her of the 
American Legation, but neither she nor Mme. Lebreton 
knew the address of Mr. Washburne, the United States 
Minister. However, this Idea suggested another. The 
Empress remembered one devoted gentleman who was, in 
a sense, associated with her life. This gentleman was 
none other than her dentist, Dr. Evans, who then lived in 
the Avenue de I'Imperatrice, and whose nationality and 
independent position would permit him to shelter her 
without any fear of getting himself into trouble. 

Upon the arrival of the two ladies at Dr. Evans' house 
they were shown into his study, and the Empress sat down 
with her back to the door, lest the unexpected sight of her 
might elicit some exclamation from the doctor, and thus 
betray her Identity to the servants. 

The Empress was not disappointed in her belief In the 
doctor's loyalty. No sooner had Dr. Evans recognized 
and greeted Her Majesty than he at once set about devis- 
ing the best means for her escape. He had invited to 
dinner that evening an Intimate friend, Mr. C, an Amer- 
ican like himself, and he asked Her Majesty to alloW 
him to take this friend into his confidence, as he felt sure 
that his courage, his ability, and his energy would be in- 
valuable in the hazardous enterprise on which he proposed 
to embark. The Empress readily gave the required per- 
mission, and Dr. Evans went at once into the heart of the 
city, to report the progress of the Revolution. Upon his 
return he told the Empress that the Tuileries had been 
occupied and afterwards evacuated by the insurgents, and 
that the Palace was at present In the hands of the National 

Guard; he also informed her that the Republic had been 

163 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

proclaimed, and that a Government was already in process 
of formation at the Hotel de Ville. The Ministers had left 
their Ministries, and the powers appointed by the Regent 
existed no longer. It was clear that under the circum- 
stances the Empress had no choice but to leave Paris. 

The first step taken by Dr. Evans and Mr. C. to ensure 
the success of their scheme was to make certain that the 
way out of Paris was still open. They therefore visited 
the fortifications; but the gates were unguarded, and car- 
riages could go out and return without being subjected to 
any kind of examination. 

Whilst Dr. Evans and his friend busied themselves 
with the preparations for the flight from Paris, the Empress 
took some much needed repose, and at five o'clock ^ she 
seated herself in the carriage with Mme. Lebreton, Dr. 
Evans and Mr. C. 

Some mobiles were on sentry duty at the Pont de 
Neuilly, but they only stopt the carriage for a moment, 
and it then rapidly disappeared down the Avenue de la 
Grande Armee. 

The carriage took the road to St. Germaln-en-Laye, 
and crossed the streets of the usually quiet little town, now 
filled with uproar. From St. Germain the travelers pro- 
ceeded to Mantes, where Dr. Evans left his carriage and 
horses in the care of one of his friends. Another carriage 
was hired at Mantes, and this conveyed Her Majesty to 
within a few miles of Evreux. Towards midnight the car- 
riage was again changed. Evreux was passed on the 
morning of September 6. The great square was thick with 
mobiles, to whom rifles were being Issued at the Hotel de 
Ville. Their commander, the Comte d'Arjuzon, Chamber- 
lain to the Emperor, came out of the Mairie, drest in 

* Evidently the author means 5 A. M. September 5 (Translator's Note). 

164 



Driving to Freedom 



civilian clothes, just as the carriage drove by. His eyes 
met those of Mme. Lebreton, but it is uncertain whether 
he recognized the Empress or her companion. 

A halt was made at an inn outside the town, and the 
carriage stopt to feed and water the horses without 
unharnessing them. A great number of mobiles were 
gathered in this locality, as they were now returning to 
their homes after having received their equipment, and as 
they passed and repassed the carriage they looked curi- 
ously at the two ladies who were sitting inside. Dr. Evans 
managed to procure some food at the inn, which he 
brought to the Empress, who partook of a light meal be- 
fore the carriage once more started on the road from 
Evreux to Bernay, and thence, via Lisieux, to the coast. 

Dr. Evans and Mr. C. took turns to sit beside the 
driver, ostensibly to smoke a cigar, but actually to " sound " 
the driver and find out whether he suspected anything. 
The driver whom they had engaged after leaving Evreux 
was overjoyed at the Revolution in Paris, and indulged in 
the sanguinary hope that "one would finish off all the 
bourgeois.^^ 

Nevertheless, he little guessed whom he was driving. 
Towards evening this man, finding himself at some con- 
siderable distance from his original starting-place, refused 
to go farther, and deposited the travelers at an inn, in 
a place the name of which had escaped Mme. Lebreton's 
memory. Here they had to cross the great hall of the inn, 
which also served as a kitchen, and where several rustics 
were sitting down to a glass; but hardly was Her Majesty 
settled in the only available bedroom than the fugitives 
again experienced a moment of awful anxiety. It ap- 
peared that a man who had just arrived from Paris had in- 
quired about the names of the travelers. 

i6s 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

They now fully believed that all was indeed lost, and 
Her Majesty was informed of their fears. But the mys- 
terious inquirer turned out to be a perfectly harmless in- 
dividual who suspected nothing and who was quite content 
when told that four English people had arrived at the inn 
before himself. Having satisfied his curiosity, the stranger 
troubled them no more. 

It would have been easy for Her Majesty to have mini- 
mized the constant danger of detection by adopting some 
disguise which would have hidden that lovely face, whose 
features, thanks to the art of photography, are familiar to 
most people. And the face of the Empress, once seen, was 
not easily mistaken for another. It would have been quite 
possible for the Empress to have made herself look older 
by some arrangement of her hair or by some other means. 
Mme. Lebreton, with the frankness which the situation 
demanded, and which her devotion authorized, reproached 
the Empress for refusing to take these necessary precau- 
tions, and, in fact, went so far as to accuse her Royal 
mistress of vanity.^ But the Empress was not actuated 
by mere vanity; she knew that if she were discovered in 
any kind of disguise she would be inevitably exposed to 
ridicule, and she refused even to contemplate such a situa- 
tion. She wished, in such an event, to maintain her dig- 
nity as a woman and as a Sovereign, and she rightly esti- 
mated the eflfect which her personality and beauty would 
produce on those who might try to arrest her. Her beauty 
was her sole weapon, her only defense, and by its aid she 
knew she would be enabled to play the Empress to the last. 

The night of September (i-'j was passed quietly at the 
country inn. In the early morning a carriage conveyed 

1 Mme. Lebreton had in mind that black penciled line under the eyelashes, which 
has been mentioned in the first chapter. 

i66 



The English Yacht 



the Empress and her companions to a local railway station. 
But the time of the train had been miscalculated, and 
there was a long time to wait, during which the Empress 
read, her veil carefully lowered. At Lisieux, where the 
party left the train, the town and the railway station were 
crowded with mobiles. From Lisieux the Empress and her 
friends drove to the hotel at Deauville, where Mrs. Evans 
happened to be staying, and whilst Mr. C. and Mme. 
Lebreton went into the hotel by the main entrance. Dr. 
Evans and the Empress slipt in almost unobserved, and 
went to the rooms occupied by Mrs. Evans, upon whom 
the Empress was supposed to be paying a call. 

The great difficulty which now confronted the friends 
of the Empress was to discover the best means of getting 
her out of France. Dr. Evans at once set about solving 
this problem, and as he was walking on the quay, wonder- 
ing what course he should adopt, he happened to notice a 
small but beautiful yacht. An idea struck him; he asked 
the name of the owner of the yacht, and was told that she 
belonged to Sir John Burgoyne, an English officer, who 
was staying at Deauville. 

Dr. Evans at once went in search of Sir John, told him 
the whole story, and begged his assistance. Sir John 
Burgoyne listened attentively, and exprest himself will- 
ing to help the Empress, subject to his wife's consent. 
This was easily obtained, and the day was not nearly over 
when the answer in the affirmative reached Dr. Evans. 

Towards midnight the Empress left the hotel where 
she had remained in hiding and crossed the moonlit 
lawns of Deauville. All was silent and deserted. A few 
Custom-house officials were walking about in the proximity 
of the yacht, where Sir John Burgoyne awaited the 
Empress. In order to avoid suspicion, Sir John greeted 

167 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

his illustrious passenger with a familiar handshake, as if 
she were an intimate friend who was about to come on 
board his yacht. But when Sir John found himself alone 
with the Empress in the cabin his manner changed, and he 
respectfully kissed the hand which she extended to him. 

At that moment the sleeping town was awakened by 
shouting and singing. The fugitives on the yacht recog- 
nized the strains of the Marseillaise, mingled with the cries 
of "Long live the Republic!" "Long live the Nation!" 
which had followed them all the way from the Tuileries, 
and the Empress momentarily feared that she had been 
traced to Deauville. But this was not the case; the noise 
was due to the arrival of the Paris train, and the travelers 
having shouted and sung until they were tired, repaired to 
the various hotels, and all was quiet once more. 

At five in the morning the yacht set sail, and the Em- 
press lost sight of the shores of France. Lady Burgoyne 
had given her own cabin to the Empress, who shared it 
with Mme. Lebreton. The first few hours were uneventful, 
but the breeze freshened before the yacht entered English 
waters, and when night fell the wind was so strong that 
Sir John Burgoyne became uneasy. His apprehensions 
were more than justified, as that night the wind and storm 
wrecked a yacht very similar to his own, and farther down 
the Channel H. M. S. Captain went down, the name of 
whose commander was, by some uncanny coincidence, 
also Burgoyne, and the news of whose loss caused consider- 
able excitement in England. 

Sir John took care, however, not to alarm his illustrious 
passenger, but through the thin wooden partitions the 
Empress could hear him discussing the gravity of the situa- 
tion with Lady Burgoyne, a woman of courage and intel- 
lect, of whose advice he often availed himself. As a matter 

1 68 



A Night of Storm 



of fact, he was not more of a sailor than was his wife, but 
upon Sir John rested the responsibihty of what was the 
best course to adopt under the present circumstances. 
Should he run before the wind, or should he keep the ship 
close-hauled? Lady Burgoyne counseled the last, and 
her advice was taken. 

But there came a moment in this long night of storm 
when the Empress thought that the little yacht was being 
dashed to pieces, and she heard the ominous words: "We 
are ashore!" 

"What are they saying?" asked Mme. Lebreton, who 
had no strength left to pray, but who still convulsively 
clutched her rosary. "They are saying," the Empress 
told her, "that we are near the land!" And Mme. Lebre- 
ton, reassured by this free translation of a sinister phrase, 
cried: "Near the land! Ah, God be praised." She learnt 
later that the Empress had believed the yacht as good 
as lost, but happily it was a false alarm; and when day 
broke after the awful night the wind dropt, and the 
vessel resumed her course. Sir John Burgoyne landed 
the Empress at Cowes, and there Her Majesty reem- 
barked and reached the mainland a few hours later. On 
the evening of the same day (Friday, September 9) 
she joined her son at Hastings. 



169 



CHAPTER IX 

MONSIEUR REGNEER 

IT was on the morning of September 12 that Eugene 
Conneau and I, after having vainly hunted for the 
Empress for several days, at last had the pleasure of 
seeing our Sovereign once more, and it was possible for 
me to place in her hands the Emperor's message which I 
had in my care. That message could now tell her nothing 
that was new, but she was happy to possess it and to keep 
it as an historic document. 

The Empress and her son occupied quite modest apart- 
ments at the Marine Hotel, situated on the Eastern Pa- 
rade. This temporary resting-place, where she was only to 
stay a very few days, has, all the same, its peculiar interest 
and importance, since a photograph of it nearly caused a 
change in the course of French history. 

We found Her Majesty seated near the fireplace in a 
room on the first floor, looking out on the sea front and 
communicating by large folding doors with her bedroom. 
This room served at the same time as a drawing-room and 
a dining-room, and I remember that our first conversation 
was interrupted almost at once by the servants who en- 
tered without ceremony to lay the table. 

I was painfully affected by all this, but she paid no 
attention to these details. She resumed at once and with- 
out any effort the ways of private life; but if she renounced, 
without a sigh of regret, all her retinue and splendor, she 
never forgot her great duties. She remained conscious — 
I saw this at once — of the position which she had occupied 

170 



In Exile 

and which she still occupied. " I believe," she said to me, 
"that I can still be useful to the National Defense." 
With this view she had decided to write to the Emperors 
of Russia and Austria; she desired to remind the first of 
the definite statement transmitted by General Fleury in 
his dispatch of August 26, and the second of the promises 
made in his name by Prince Metternich, promises to which 
she had alluded in her interview with the Deputies on 
September 4. She desired to ensure that France, under 
the new Government which the nation had chosen, or, at 
any rate, accepted, should still benefit by the friendly dis- 
positions of these two powers. The drawing up of these 
two letters was our first work, but one must understand 
clearly that my share of it was quite insignificant. The 
Empress herself wrote the letters which she signed, and it 
would have been a useless blunder to have attempted to 
relieve her of this task. She had a natural talent for saying 
things in a clear and striking manner. She could have 
given some valuable lessons in style to professional scrib- 
blers, just as La Rochefoucauld and Saint Simon could 
have taught more than one heavy rhetorician of their time 
his trade. 

Here is the letter which the Empress addrest to the 
Tsar, a letter a nearer date for which I am not able to give: 

"Hastings, September, 1870. 
"Sire, 

"An exile from my country, I write to-day to Your 
Majesty. If, some days ago, when the destinies of France 
were still in the hands of the Emperor's Executive, I had 
taken the step I am taking now, I should perhaps have 
appeared in the eyes of Your Majesty and in those of 
France as lacking faith in the vitality of my country. The 

171 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

last events have given me liberty of action, and I can nov/ 
appeal to Your Majesty's heart. If I have correctly under- 
stood the reports sent by our Ambassador, General Fleury, 
your Government negatived a -priori the eventual possi- 
bility of the dismemberment of France. 

"Sire, Fate has been against us. The Emperor is a 
prisoner and the object of calumnies. Another Govern- 
ment has taken up the task which we had considered it our 
duty to accomplish. I implore Your Majesty to use your 
influence in order that an honorable and lasting peace 
may be concluded when the moment comes. May France, 
whatever her Government, find in Your Majesty the same 
kind dispositions that you have shown to us in these days 
of trial. Such is the prayer that I address to you. In 
my situation everything is liable to be misjudged. I pray 
Your Majesty, therefore, to keep secret this step, which 
your generous soul will easily understand, and to which I 
am encouraged by the memory of your stay in Paris." 

The Emperor of Russia answered this letter as follows : 

"Tsarskoe-Selo, September 20 (old style). 
October 2, 1870 (new style). 
"I have received, Madame, the letter Your Majesty has 
kindly sent me. I understand and I appreciate the senti- 
ments which dictated it and made you forget your own mis- 
fortunes and think only of those of France. I am deeply 
concerned for that country, and I long ardently that a 
prompt peace should come and end Its sufferings and the 
evils which are resulting for all Europe. I believe that such 
a peace will be lasting in proportion as it is based on justice 
and moderation. I have done, and shall continue to do, all 
that lies in me to contribute to this result, for which I 

172 



Royal Letters 

fervently pray. I thank you for your kind remembrance 
and for your confidence in my sentiments. In renewing 
to you the assurance of my friendship, I am, Madame, 
"Your Majesty's good brother, 

("Signed) Alexander." 

I have not, unfortunately, the text of the letter ad- 
drest by the Empress Eugenie to the Emperor Francis 
Joseph, but it is easy to guess the contents after reading 
the reply of the Austrian Emperor: 

"Madame, my Sister, 

"I am profoundly sensible of the trust Your Majesty 
reposes in me, and the letter which comes to me through 
Count Apponyi has touched me deeply. No one could 
show more patriotism and personal abnegation in the 
midst of such cruel misfortunes. The expression of these 
noble sentiments would call forth all my sympathies if they 
were not already given to Your Majesty in the highest de- 
gree, as well as to your unfortunate country. I tender well- 
merited homage to the courage which endures unfalter- 
ingly such overwhelming blows, and my heart takes a real 
share in the anguish suffered by Your Majesty as a mother, 
as a wife and as a Sovereign. The fate of France is my 
earnest preoccupation. To do everything possible in her 
favor according to the dictates both of policy and of 
humanity, I have not awaited the call of Your Majesty. 
I feel, too deeply, how urgently necessary it is that a 
prompt and honorable peace should come to. put an end 
to the terrible calamities of this war. My hopes and my 
efforts tend unceasingly to this end, and I shall not stop 
in my endeavors. It will be the easier for me now to 
plead in the cause of peace, because my influence has 

173 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

always been exercised in that sense. It has been no fault 
of mine that peace was not preserved, and in the midst 
of the sorrowful emotions caused by the sight of such ruin, 
"I find at least a sad consolation in thinking that I cannot 
reproach myself with having helped in any way to bring 
about the outbreak of this disastrous war. On the con- 
trary, I have done all I could to prevent a conflict, of 
which I could see the dangers for France and the grave 
embarrassments for my Empire. The reestablishment of 
peace is to-day the object of all my wishes, and so far as 
I am permitted I shall devote to it my most assiduous care. 
But Your Majesty knows that a Sovereign cannot listen 
only to the inspirations of his heart. He must comply 
with the necessities of his position, and fulfil the duties 
which Providence has laid upon him towards the peoples 
whose destinies have been placed in his charge. 

"I can but follow the line of conduct which is traced 
for me by such lofty considerations; but Your Majesty will 
always find me disposed to make sincere efforts towards 
lessening the evils which have burst over France. Of all 
the neutral Powers, I think Austria is the one which is 
animated by the most friendly feelings for France, and 
will raise its voice most willingly in her favor. My true 
sympathies for that country are augmented by her mis- 
fortunes, and I shall be happy to be able to give Your 
Majesty some proof of the true personal attachment that 
I have long felt for you. 

"I pray Your Majesty to accept my affectionate 
homage as well as the assurance of the sentiments with 
which 

"I am, Madame, Your Majesty's good brother, 

^'{Signed) Francis Joseph. 

" SCHOENBRUNN, Oct. 12, 187O." 



M. Regnier Arrives 



The Empress had with her at Hastings, besides Mad- 
ame Lebreton, her two nieces, Marie and Louise, who 
had been in England for some weeks, also the Comtesse 
Clary, who came to join her husband, attached to the 
Prince's person. Messieurs Duperre and Lamey, the 
other two aides-de-camp, completed the group at this 
early date. As to M. Eugene Conneau, the Empress 
encouraged him to return to France to take part (if there 
was still time) in the defense of Paris. He hastened to 
obey her. This brave officer, who had already earned his 
spurs in Mexico and elsewhere, distinguished himself dur- 
ing the siege under the orders of General Fave, who 
commanded one of the sectors. 

Commander Duperre and Madame Lebreton now 
busied themselves in seeking out a residence which should 
provide a fit dwelling-place for the fugitive Sovereign and 
her son. We were eager to leave the Marine Hotel 
where we were very uncomfortable and where we suffered 
a good deal from the curiosity of the ill-mannered. In 
fact, crowds were almost always hanging about in front of 
the house watching the movements of the Prince and his 
mother, and staring into the big bay windows of the hotel 
fagade, so that we felt like wild animals exposed to the 
inspection of passers-by in a glass cage. When night fell 
and the blinds were drawn we were left in comparative 
peace. 

One evening, it was only four days after our arrival, we 
were all together with the Empress in the drawing-room 
on the first floor. The gentlemen had remained down- 
stairs to smoke. Towards nine o'clock one of them came 
up to inform Her Majesty that a Frenchman had called 
and insisted upon being received. 

"What is his name.?" 

175 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"He gives the name of Regnier." 

"Oh!" said Madame Lebreton, "it is the gentleman 
who has pestered me with communications these two days. 
He has a plan for taking Your Majesty back to France. 
He is the man who has four proclamations — one for the 
army, one for the fleet, one for the French people, and 
one for foreign Powers." 

"That is the man," said the aide-de-camp. "We do 
not know how to get rid of him." 

The Empress turned to me: "Go and hear what he 
has to say." 

I went at once, and the three aides-de-camp disap- 
peared one after the other, leaving me tete-d-tete with 
M. Regnier. I expected to find myself in the presence of 
one of those political lunatics such as I have often encoun- 
tered both before and since. But directly I cast my eyes 
on the visitor I was differently imprest. I saw before 
me a man of perhaps fifty years of age, with a rather 
plebian cast of face at but the same time intelligent and 
resolute in expression. The square and powerful jaw, the 
penetrating, imperious and hard glance gave him rather 
the air of an old non-commissioned officer who had allowed 
his white hair to grow into a lion's mane: not one of 
those non-commissioned officers who are beloved in their 
regiment, but one who is feared. I asked him who he was. 
He replied brusquely, "I am nobody at all," and without 
further preamble he entered on his business and showed 
me his plan. The Empress, according to him, ought not 
to accept her deposition. She should embark on one of 
the ships of war which had remained loyal, take up her 
position in a seaport town (Le Havre, for example), sum- 
mon the Chambers around her and enter into negotiation 
with the Prussians. 

176 



what M. Regnier Wanted 



I said to M. Regnier, "You wish to explain this line 
of conduct to the Empress ? It is useless, you would only 
waste your time. She has absolutely decided mot to take 
away a single chance or a single soldier from the Govern- 
ment of National Defense. If need be, she would even 
help the men who have overthrown her." 

The preceding pages have shown, I think, and those 
that follow will do so even more clearly, how thoroughly 
justified I was in speaking thus. 

M. Regnier replied, "The Empress misconceives her 
duty. Her duty is to recover power and to treat with 
Prussia. France is beaten, worse beaten than Austria was 
after Sadowa. Of her two armies, one is captured and the 
other soon will be." Here I protested, but he repeated 
impressively, "The other soon will be. What remains is 
a rabble without value." 

"France is arming," I said to him, "we shall see again 
the national uprising of 1792." 

M. Regnier sneered. "You know very well that the 
national uprising of 1792 is a legend. Moreover, the men 
of to-day are not the men of that time. Long prosperity 
has sapped our strength; I tell you all is finished. If they 
treat at once France will keep her territory intact, if not, 
in three months' time she will be dismembered, cut up — ■ 
I tell you there is but one thing to do: and that is — to 
conclude peace." 

"Go and tell that to the men who have hunted the 
Empress from the Tuileries, it is for them to treat." 

"Oh! They would be willing enough to do it, and 

if I believed that they could succeed I would wish them 

luck, but they cannot. No one would negotiate with a 

Government born of riot and which dare not consult the 

electors. For the foreign Powers, for the army, for the 

177 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

seven and a half millions of Frenchmen who voted "Yes" 
at the Plebiscite of May 8, the Emperor is still the Em- 
peror. Now he is not a free agent, and he has del- 
egated his powers to the Empress, it is she therefore 
who must treat for peace." 

"But she of whom you speak Is, at this moment, a 
woman helpless and isolated, without friends, without sup- 
port; she has not a shilling or a soldier at her call." 

"What about the army of Metz?" 

"Who has told you that Bazaine was faithful? Who 
has told you that Bismarck would refuse to treat with 
the Government of National Defense and would be dis- 
posed to treat with that of the Empress?" 

"No one. . . . Ah! do not think you have beaten me. 
I know nothing, but the duty of the Empress is to find 
it out and that without delay." 

"But how? It is a very difficult proposition." 

"Nonsense! It is the easiest thing in the world." 

I considered a moment. 

"M. Regnier," I said, "I see that you are a positivist, 
you seem to forget that moral forces exist and that those 
forces rule the world. The Empire at this moment is 
beaten down by such a violent stream of public opinion 
that it is impossible to set it up again. Let us suppose 
your idea is realized. The existence of the Imperial 
Family, once back in the Tuileries, would be a veritable 
agony and it would very soon be swept away in a bloody 
catastrophe." 

"What is that to me?" said M. Regnier coldly. "I 
am no follower of the dynasty. I don't care a fig for the 
Napoleons. What I want is to save the territory of my 
country. If you are a good Frenchman you ought to 
agree with me." 

178 



The Signed Photographs 



He had now come close to me, speaking almost in my 
face, as if he wished to hypnotize me. 

"And," he continued, "if the Empress is the heroine 
they claim her to be, she will sacrifice herself and drink 
the cup of bitterness to the dregs." 

I went up to the Empress and entreated her to grant 
M. Regnier a few minutes' audience. I found myself up 
against an immovable refusal, and I had to convey this 
refusal to the visitor. He rose and took up his hat. I 
could not help saying to him, "You might perhaps see 
the Emperor." 

"That is what I shall try to do, but I shall not be 
allowed to get near him. . . . Ah! if I had some message, 
such as a photograph, signed by the Prince for his father. 
. . . Wait a moment, I think I can find one." 

He returned in a few minutes bringing three views 
of the Marine Hotel and of the Hastings sea front. 

I said, "Return to-morrow morning at seven o'clock 
and you shall have the answer." 

After he was gone I went up at once to the Prince, 
who was going to bed, and I heard him say his prayers 
as usual. 

" Monseigneur," I said, "there is a Frenchman in 
Hastings who is about to go to Wilhelmshohe. Will you 
confide to him a message for the Emperor?" 

"Willingly," replied the Prince. "What shall I send 
my father?" 

"Merely your signature with just a word on one of 
these photographs." 

Uhlmann ^ went off to find pen and ink. The photo- 
graphs signed, I rejoined the Empress and submitted M. 
Regnier's request, but without success. 

^ The Prince's servant (Translator's Note). 
179 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"We do not know this man," she said, "and we cannot 
confide any message to him; but to soften the refusal tell 
him that the mission he wishes to undertake presents 
certain dangers, and that I will not expose him to them." 

I retired to my own room. It was a night full of an- 
guish. I pondered painfully the cruel words of M. Reg- 
nier. I was profoundly devoted to my Sovereign. I 
loved my country passionately. In the end I persuaded 
myself that by disobeying the first I should serve both. 

The next day, the 17th, at seven o'clock M. Regnier 
came to my room and I gave him the three photographs 
signed Louis Napoleon. On the largest he had written, 
"My dear Papa, I send you some photographs of Hast- 
ings. I hope you will like them." 

I said to M. Regnier: "The Empress has refused her 
sanction, but I have taken it upon myself to disobey her 
orders." 

We did not exchange another word, he barely thanked 
me, and hurried away as if afraid that I should suddenly 
change my mind. My eyes followed him. I seem still 
to see him striding across the great puddles and disappear- 
ing in the distance along the front at that hour quite 
deserted. 

This is the whole truth of the matter. M. Regnier has 
asserted that I gave him the photographs on behalf of 
the Empress — it is absolutely false. It was said that he 
had waylaid the Prince whilst out walking, and that he 
had extorted these signatures from an inexperienced child 
of fourteen — that also is false. Everything happened as 
I have just stated. Let each one bear the responsibility 
of his own acts. 

The next day we left Hastings to settle in Chislehurst. 
The day after that, if my memory serves me, Jerome 

180 



My Confession 

David, who had been in London some days, came to pay 
the Empress a visit. They had been together some five 
minutes when the Empress called me. 

"What is the meaning of this?" she said. "You have 
given this Regnier a photograph signed by the Prince 
which I had forbidden you to give him?" 

I admitted it at once. 

"You have acted very wrongly; this man is a spy of 
Bismarck's, or an agent of the Government at Paris who 
wishes to dishonor us in the eyes of the nation by making 
it appear that we are intriguing with Prussia." 

Jerome David explained to me that he had known 
Regnier at school, that this individual, trading on this 
acquaintance, had found him out in London and in a short 
interview had hinted at his mysterious projects. 

From that hour we lived at Chislehurst in a state of 
continual apprehension. What was M. Regnier doing? 
I learnt this later, when I read the manuscript notes in 
which he minutely related the incidents and impressions 
of his journey to Ferrieres, the difficulties and dangers 
encountered on the road, his arrival at the Prussian head- 
quarters the same day as Jules Favre; the small considera- 
tion shown to Jules Favre, the deference and kindness 
with which he (R€gnier) was treated by all those with 
whom he had come in contact, notably by M. de Hatzfeldt, 
who had given him his own room and had spoken with re- 
spectful emotion of the misfortunes of the Empress. He 
had seen the Chancellor, showing him the photographs 
which he carried, and had asked permission to be admitted 
without delay to see the prisoner at Wilhelmshohe and to 
submit to him his plan for an immediate peace. This plan 
which had seemed ridiculous to us in Hastings was taken 
seriously by Count Bismarck, who, in some way, adopted 

i8i 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

it with modifications. But before anything was done it 
was necessary to know whether Bazaine and his army still 
held to the Emperor, and whether he would back Regnier's 
plan, and thus provide the basis and the necessary guar- 
antee for negotiation. 

Regnier had therefore to go to the marshal and bring 
back the latter's consent. This mission, incredibly strange 
and perilous, Regnier accepted and accomplished. Such 
was the story he told.^ 

We knew nothing of all this, but on September 28 in 
the morning a dramatic happening enlightened our igno- 
rance. A message came to inform me that General Bour- 
baki was at Camden Place. My astonishment can be 
imagined. The commander of the Imperial Guard, whom 
I believed to be closely blockaded in the lines at Metz 
with his soldiers, was in the room adjoining the one in 
which I was going over a page of Virgil's "Georgics" 
with the Prince. 

I ran to him at once. I found the general seated be- 
tween his wife and his sister. He was drest in the strang- 
est manner which more or less disguised him. He spoke 
with difficulty, and had the air of one struck by a thun- 
derbolt. Madame Bourbaki, severe and sullen, did 
not return my salutation, and her husband offered me his 
hand with visible hesitation. He repeated at intervals: 
"Lost! Dishonored!" The Empress, I was told, had 
been unable to draw from him anything except the words : 
"You asked for me and here I am!" What had hap- 
pened ? 

^ There may well have been many omissions or perversions of fact in these notes, 
and I have only too much reason to know how little respect for the truth worried 
M. Regnier. But where they touched on the language and attitude of the Chan- 
cellor they were confirmed on all points by the conversations of Bismarck with Mr. 
G. and with General Boyer, conversations of which an accurate report is given in the 
next chapter. 

182 



General Bourbaki's Note 



The same day the general dictated to me a note which 
contained a recital of the facts and which I reproduce 
textually: 

"Saturday, September 24, I went up to the fort of 
St. Julien and I remained in the neighborhood until five 
o'clock in the evening. When I returned to my head- 
quarters Generals Dauvergne and de Villers told me that 
one of Marshal Bazaine's nephews was looking for me 
everywhere and wanted to speak to me and give me a 
letter from the marshal; that he was not willing to leave 
it and had returned with it to General Headquarters. 
Whilst talking to these officers I was making' ready to go 
to the marshal, when I received a telegram ordering me to 
report myself without delay. I had a horse saddled and 
went off to headquarters, where first of all I met Colonel 
Boyer, who said, ^Do you know a M. Regnier.? Have 
you seen him at the Tuileries.^* There he is, walking 
about.' 

"I then saw a gentleman who was walking with the 
marshal, and I replied that I had never seen him near 
their Majesties. 

"The marshal, hearing that I was there, introduced 
M. Regnier. This gentleman at once began to speak; he 
gave me news of my sister, showed me photographs of the 
house in which the Empress was staying, and said that 
he had one to pass on to the Emperor, upon which was 
written in the Prince Imperial's handwriting something 
like this, * I hope that you will be pleased to have a photo- 
graph of the house where we are now living.' M. Regnier 
then explained to me that Jules Favre had intended to 
treat for an armistice, but that fortunately the negotiations 
had fallen through; that one had to accept the fact that 

183 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

France was beaten and that she must therefore treat; that 
the conditions offered by Prussia would be more favorable 
for France if the negotiations were with the only rightful 
government that existed, that of the Empress-Regent. 
Then, almost at this moment, the marshal came in and 
told me that the Empress desired to have either Marshal 
Canrobert or myself with her. 

"Marshal Bazaine then added that for him, as for the 
army, there was but one government, that of the Regent, 
that he had had no communications from any government 
other than the Emperor's, and that, if the Regent would 
treat, he and his army would back up the treaty which she 
alone could make. He told me further that as I was 
aide-de-camp to the Emperor, and commander-in-chief of 
the Imperial Guard, all was arranged so that I could leave 
Metz. 

"I remarked that all this seemed very extraordinary, 
that there was not a word from the Empress nor a word 
from my sister to vouch for M. Regnier, had there been I 
should not have hesitated. On my asking the marshal 
what he would do in my place, he answered that he should 
report himself to the Empress at once, and, moreover, he 
said that for some time it had been his intention to have 
an officer with her. My position, he declared, fitted me 
for this duty better than anyone else; in any case. Marshal 
Canrobert could not go on account of the pain in his legs. 
I commented that for me to go in this manner would make 
me appear a deserter. 'Not at all,' said the marshal, 'for 
I will give you written instructions and put it in orders 
to-morrow so that it will be known to all that I have sent 
you to the Empress-Regent.' 

"'Under these conditions,' I replied, 'I have nothing 
more to say and I will go.' 

184 



At The Prussian Headquarters 

"Having reflected that I had no mufti, the marshal 
put his own civiHan clothes at my disposal, and as his 
trousers were too wide for me, he even went so far as to 
take off his braces and give them to me. Then he handed 
to me my order for departure. M. Regnier, who had been 
present during the whole conversation, read the order and 
remarked that it was not dated. They discust the date, 
I do not know why, and the marshal put a date that I 
believed to have been that of the day, the 24th, but I have 
since seen that he had put the 15th. 

"Marshal Canrobert told me that I should find his wife 
with the Empress, that he approved of my going, and he 
asked me to give news of him to the Marechale. 

"At seven in the evening I got into the carriage with 
M. Regnier. I was drest rather like the International 
doctors, for they had given me a cap with a red cross on 
a white ground. Seven doctors from Luxembourg, who 
had also to go, occupied two other carriages. 

"We arrived at the outposts, on the other side of 
Moulins, two leagues ^ from our headquarters, but there 
had been a misunderstanding between the officers in 
charge of the flags of truce, and we were not allowed to 
pass until the next day at daybreak. A Prussian colonel 
came to meet us and put himself in communication with 
M. Regnier, who apologized to him for having made him 
wait at the outposts since the night before. The colonel 
replied that that was so: he had been there since three 
o'clock the day before. M. Regnier added that he had 
advised him of his delay in a letter which had not arrived. 
He made us get into a carriage and took us himself to 
Corny, the headquarters of Prince Frederick Charles. M. 
Regnier asked me if I would like to see the Prince. I 

^ Between seven and eight miles (Translator's Note). 
185 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

replied, 'Not for the world.' He told me that the chief 
of the general staff would be very happy to shake hands 
with a colleague. I replied that for the time being I 
desired to pass unnoticed; and, in fact, no one spoke 
to me. 

"About an hour later they harnessed up a great brake, 
into which we all mounted, except M. Regnier, who re- 
mained at the Prince's camp, saying that he was going 
to see Bismarck, and that in four or five days he would 
be with the Empress bringing a draft treaty. We were 
escorted by an officer who was aide-de-camp to Prince 
Frederick Charles, and whom I had often met in Paris 
where he was attached to the Prussian Embassy. His 
name was, I think, M. de Siskow. This officer said to 
me when he left us: 'I recognized you at once.' 'So did 
I,' I replied, 'but the circumstances are too sad — and I 
have the further sorrow of having had to leave my army 
corps.' 'I hope,' he said, 'that we shall meet again in 
happier circumstances.' He had overwhelmed me with 
attentions before he made himself known to me and had 
been extremely polite to me. This is a positive proof that 
all the staff and Prince Frederick himself knew of my 
journey and approved of it. 

"At Remilly we found a special train which, by order 
from high authority, was to take us as far as Luxembourg, 
but which by subsequent instructions left us at Sarrebriick 
and from this point to Luxembourg we always had a car- 
riage reserved for us at the expense of the Prussian Gov- 
ernment. The bearing of M. Regnier towards the Prus- 
sian authorities had already made me fear that I had 
been misled, and when I read the papers in Belgium, it 
seemed to me impossible that as things were the Empress 

could sign a treaty in the position in which she found 

1 86 



Bourbaki's Enigmatic Attitude 

herself, and 1 bitterly regretted having left my head- 
quarters. 

"I therefore request, seeing that I have been deceived 
(for it is clear I can render no service to the Empress), 
that I may be allowed the privilege of returning to my 
post immediately so that I may share the fate of the 
soldiers I have the honor to command. 

"I will add that at Moulins or at Ars M. Regnier 
handed me a few sheets of paper, telling me that it was 
an account of his interview with Bismarck. He also 
handed me his pocket-book, suggesting that I should use 
his passport. I found also in the pocket-book an unsealed 
letter addressed to his wife. 

^'(Signed) C. Bourbaki, 
"General of Division, Aide-de-camp to the Emperor, 
Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Guard, 
"Camden Place, Chislehurst, 

"September 28, 1870." 

This note, very circumstantial in all that touched on his 
departure from Metz, did not explain to me why the 
general, instead of coming straight to the Empress, as he 
had been ordered to do, and keeping strictly incognito as 
he had agreed with Regnier, had stopt two days in 
Belgium and had let himself be recognized by various 
persons. During his stay in Brussels he had met many 
people and learnt and pondered many things. He seemed 
to me very reserved and even niggardly of details when 
we questioned him on the attitude of Bazaine and the 
troops placed under his orders towards the Emperor and 
the Empire. He knew nothing of what was passing in 
the town of Metz, or if the Republic had been proclaimed 
there. During the journey which he made in the train 

187 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

with Regnier, that person had minutely explained to him 
several times over the only possible conditions of peace as 
outlined by Bismarck. Naturally we questioned him on 
this subject: "I have quite forgotten," said he, tapping 
his forehead, " I cannot recall a single word that was told 
me by that diable d^homme.^^ 

The general could think of nothing but his personal 
position. He seemed convinced that all this was a con- 
spiracy to separate him from his soldiers. As if it mat- 
tered to the Prussians who had commanded the Impe- 
rial Guard now that it with the rest of the army was 
reduced to complete impotence! The Empress visibly 
sympathized with the despair of Bourbaki, of his wife and 
of his sister. She would not see beyond that, and without 
waiting for matters to be cleared up, she warned the 
Prussian Government through Lord Granville and Count 
Bernstorff, the Prussian Ambassador in London, that M. 
Regnier was not invested with any warrant, and that she 
had not given anyone the necessary powers to negotiate. 
At the same time she asked Prince Frederick Charles to 
give the necessary authorization for Bourbaki to reenter 
the lines at Metz. In the meantime the general left for 
Brussels, where he talked a great deal with the plenipoten- 
tiary minister of our new Republic, M. Tachard. After 
having made us wait several days for his answer, Frederick 
Charles refused the permission, and Bourbaki at once 
offered his services to the Government at Tours. This 
Government was at first much divided whether to accept 
the oifer or not. Cremieux said yes — Gambetta said no! 
At last they agreed in the affirmative when they were per- 
fectly convinced that Bourbaki, far from conspiring for 
the restoration of the Empire, had just caused the failure 
of a plan to that end which was practicable and feasible. 



Regnier at Chislehurst 



He went therefore to Tours, where he was received with 
open arms. He had entirely recovered his memory, and 
he put the members of the Government in possession of 
the facts of the painful situation of Bazaine. This did not 
prevent Gambetta from declaring in the bulletins issued 
to the French people that he had excellent news of "the 
heroic" Bazaine, and that the army of Metz would hold 
out indefinitely. 

General Bourbaki was still negotiating with Frederick 
Charles when M. Regnier appeared at Chislehurst. It is 
not difficult to imagine his surprize and his irritation. On 
his return from this journey, where he had more than once 
risked his life, he found his plans overthrown, his pre- 
cautions useless, his careful arrangements reduced to 
nothing, his name held up in the English papers to uni- 
versal contempt as that of an imposter in the pay of 
Prussia who had used a mixture of the methods of farce 
and of melodrama to steal Bourbaki away from the midst 
of his soldiers. 

I shared with Mme. Lebreton and M. Leon Chevreau 
the disagreeable privilege of receiving him. 

I said to him: "You were to have gone to the Em- 
peror; you have done nothing of the kind." 

"I had no time. I had to deal with emergencies as 
they came." 

"When you showed the photograph as coming from 
the Empress you knew that you were not speaking the 
truth." 

Regnier laughed brutally in my face. 

"If I had told Count Bismarck that my only creden- 
tials to him were given me by the tutor of the Prince 
Imperial, do you think he would have listened to me for 

a single minute? Come, don't let us be childish, let us 

189 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

occupy ourselves with serious business. Where do we 
stand now? Why is not Bourbaki here under my name as 
we had agreed? Has he told you the conditions of 
peace?" 

I quote the words of this man to show the reader that 
if he had once gained me over to his beliefs it was not 
by flattery. 

When he learnt that Bourbaki had been either unable 
or unwilling to repeat a single word of their conversations, 
he flew into a rage and called him a blockhead. 

"Never has France been so badly served since the 
madness of Charles VI. Fortunately you have my notes. 
I suppose Her Majesty has read them, and here are others 
which follow and complete the first." 

He returned the next day, again insisting upon seeing 
the Empress, but without success. As he was disappear- 
ing in the park and was already half-way to the gate, the 
Empress decided to receive him for the first and last time. 
I ran after him and brought him back with me without 
telling him for whom I was acting. He believed that he 
was to have another interview with Henri Chevreau, who 
was then at Camden Place. When he found himself in 
the presence of the Empress his presence of mind deserted 
him for a moment, but he quickly recovered himself. 

The Empress said to him with much dignity: "You 
have asked very persistently to speak to me. I am ready 
to listen to you. Be seated." But Regnier preferred to 
remain standing. Then he related what he had done, 
what he had seen and heard, mingling some follies in his 
account, but at certain moments speaking with a kind of 
brutal and convulsive eloquence which, as before, im- 
prest me. He explained the eventual arrangements 

made with Bismarck. 

190 



The Empress Speaks Out 



"The army at Metz was to go out with all the honors 
of war, to be revictualed and to occupy a large neutral 
zone. There the authorities, illegally dissolved, would 
be summoned and reconstituted to ratify the terms of the 
peace, which would have been previously accepted by the 
Emperor. 

"What would this peace be like.'* It would be pain- 
ful but not disastrous, it would cost France much money 
and some districts of Alsace. It would weaken our already 
none too strong frontier. But could one hope for better 
terms after the reverses which we had suffered.^" Regnier 
described the frightful miseries which he had witnessed, 
the deserted villages, the peasants hidden in the woods, 
without news, without food, stupefied with terror and 
despair. He finished by saying: "You will have nothing 
to do with me.f' So be it, throw me overboard, but profit 
by the facts which I have told you and the advice which I 
have given you. The peace is prepared, you have only 
to sign it; there is still time, but make haste; each day 
that passes costs France millions and tears away a piece 
of her flesh. Remember the inexorable date: Metz will 
fall on the i8th (October). Madame, save the army and 
save France!" 

"Monsieur," said the Empress, "I blame your con- 
duct, but I render justice to your intentions. There is 
much truth in what you have said, but unhappily you do 
not seem to know your countrymen. They will never 
pardon one who gives up a portion of France; they will 
always say, and their sons will say after them, that if only 
they had struggled to the end they would have triumphed ; 
and furthermore, the peace would not be recognized, and 
after the foreign war we should have civil war." 

The interview lasted a long time, and it was more 

191 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

than eight-thirty when M. Regnier withdrew. The notes 
which he left in our hands were extremely curious. They 
revealed the character of the man, which was made up of 
unexpected contrasts — energy and indomitable activity, 
courage which recoiled from no danger and no fatigue, and 
side by side with this ridiculous conceit and childishness; 
coupled with an astonishing intelligence of certain men 
and certain things he showed a no less surprising lack 
of intelligence with regard to other men and other things. 
What could the Iron Chancellor have thought when 
Rdgnier, brought before him for the third time at Ferrieres, 
had declaimed a sort of harangue the exordium of which 
he had been composing since the morning as he was 
carried across the plains of Champagne exposed to the 
bullets of the Prussians and the francs-tireurs ? An exor- 
dium in a philosophical and sententious vein, interspersed 
with insipid flatteries addrest to the great personage! 

Infinitely more interesting than the psychology of this 
adventurer were the notes which made known the attitude 
of Bismarck towards the Imperial Government. At first 
he had welcomed our pretended plenipotentiary with dis- 
tinction, with favor and with cordiality. Bismarck re- 
ceived him before and after Jules Favre. He had treated 
him as the guest of the King, had put a carriage at his 
disposal, and given him as well all the passes that he 
needed. 

During his second visit to Ferrieres (September 28-30) 
he had been treated with much less distinction; perhaps 
Bismarck had already got wind, through Count Bernstorff, 
of the public disavowal of Regnier, but, at any rate, up 
to the last moment the Prussian Minister had repeated 
that he was ready to treat if the Empress would offer the 
necessary guarantees. As for the conditions of peace, 

192 



Regnier's Interviews with Bismarck 

Bismarck had not said a word, except that the Emperor 
might have had peace after Sedan on condition of a mere 
rectification of frontiers. It was Regnier himself who had 
done the talking and suggested a line going from Neuf- 
Brisach to Deux-Ponts and an indemnity of a thousand 
million francs. M. Regnier had gone so far as to write in 
his notes this staggering phrase: "7 am disposed to cede 
Savoy and Nice, if necessary, for the sake of keeping our 
old provinces." Bismarck had not committed himself, but 
merely said: "Ah! if you had only come a few days ago! 
Now it is very difficult; however, it is not Impossible! But 
the longer you wait the harder it will become . . . one 
cannot alter Fate or retrace the stream of time. You can- 
not prevent things from being as they are." 

Regnier was trying to bring Bismarck back to the 
ground of practical discussion. He insisted on the fact 
that he had now authority from Bazalne to treat with him; 
but, as a matter of fact, he had no other credentials than 
an open letter from the marshal to his wife, In which the 
former alluded to the negotiations initiated by M. Regnier, 
which would, no doubt, lead quickly to a happy solution. 
This was not enough for Bismarck. He had then sent a 
telegram to Marshal Bazaine, somewhat in these terms, 
"Does the marshal fully empower M. Regnier to treat in 
his name for the surrender of Metz.^*" The evening 
brought a telegram from Bazalne, "I cannot answer in 
the affirmative; the town and garrison of Metz are not 
under my authority." Upon that the Chancellor made 
known to M. Regnier by Count Hatzfeldt that he could 
not receive him again, and that consequently there was 
no further reason for his presence at Prussian head- 
quarters. 

A few days after M. Regnier's visit to Camden Place 

193 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

the Empress had his notes and his passport returned to 
him. 

Thus terminated our relations with this enigmatic 
personage whom all Europe discust for a fortnight. 

The pamphlet with his portrait which he published in 
English under this sensational title: "What is youx 
name?" had an enormous circulation. In it he informed 
the public that he was born in Paris in 1822, that his wife 
was English, that, independently of his property in France, 
he possest an income of 20,000 francs in England; and 
that this fact ought, in his opinion, to remove all suspicion 
concerning him. Were the details which he thus published 
concerning himself correct .^^ I have never had the oppor- 
tunity of checking them. 

Having roused so keenly the curiosity of the entire 
world for one or two weeks, Regnier lapsed into obscurity. 
He came to give evidence at Bazaine's trial at Trianon; 
but being warned that there was some idea of arresting 
him, he slunk off before the conclusion of it. It was then 
that he was condemned to death by judges who knew 
nothing of the facts nor of the part that he had played. 
Then silence settled around him, until the day when cer- 
tain papers thought that they had discovered him in I 
know not what dark intrigue of which Roumania was the 
theater. Some years later he died in obscurity at Rams- 
gate, where he had retired. No one ever spoke of Regnier 
until one fine day an adventuress at bay, towards the close 
of a sensational case, threw this forgotten name at the 
public, and tried to graft a new mystery on to the old one. 
But no one paid much attention, and oblivion deeper and 
darker than ever has once more fallen upon Regnier. 

I can do no more than raise a corner of the veil. 

Even now when I call up the figure of this truly extraor- 

194 



A Terrible Progression 



dinary diplomat, who appeared suddenly one night at 
Hastings and vanished with equal suddenness another 
night at Chislehurst, this man whom no one knew, who had 
given himself the mission of saving France, and who tried 
to carry this out by sheer insolence and audacity, I still 
feel in the dark as to his true motives and his real origin. 
Whom did he serve? Was he from God or from "the 
Other," as the exorcists of the Middle Ages used to say? 
Was he a friend or an enemy? I know not — but this much 
I do know, that his arguments, his advice, and his proph- 
ecies, everything that he had said has been literally 
verified and justified. 

Let me call the attention of all unbiased and unprej- 
udiced minds to the following terrible progression. 

When giving up his sword at Sedan, the Emperor could 
have concluded peace at the price of a war indemnity and 
of a rectification of the frontier. 

On September 20 at Ferrieres Jules Favre could have 
concluded peace by ceding Strasbourg and its environs. 

On October 30 at Sevres the conditions of peace would 
have been the cession of Alsace and an indemnity of two 
thousand million francs. 

At the end of January the actual conditions of peace 
Involved giving up Alsace, a part of Lorraine, and five 
thousand million francs. 

After that one must perhaps admit that that terrible 
man Regnier was right when he said that each day lost 
would tear from France a piece of her flesh; and the writer 
of this book may not have been so mistaken in joining his 
feeble efforts to those of Regnier to hasten the conclusion 
of peace. 

But those at Chislehurst were far from thinking thus, 
and after the return of Bourbaki I was in some ways 

195 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

practically sent to Coventry. Several members of the 
household ceased to speak to me. As to the Empress, so 
soon as she had disavowed Regnier and knew that Bour- 
baki was at Tours and had been given a fresh command 
on the active list, she felt free once more and regained 
her serenity of mind. Duperre seeing this happier mood 
called her attention to the painful position in which I was 
placed. She came quickly towards me, her hand out- 
stretched, generous and indulgent as I have always found 
her. 

"I never bear ill-will," said she, "to those who meant 
to act for the best." 

I received my pardon humbly, but I learnt several days 
later that the Emperor approved of my action and con- 
sidered it indispensable, in the interests of France, as well 
as his own, to be informed with absolute certainty as to 
the fidelity of the Army of Metz and the attitude of 
Prussia. 

"Well, so be it," said the Empress, "if it can be proved 
to me that King William will give us better conditions 
than he will give to the Government of National Defense, 
and, on the other hand, if it can be proved to me that 
France is at the end of her resources, I shall drain the 
cup of bitterness to the dregs." 

From that time the policy of the exiled Regent en- 
tered upon a new phase. 



196 



CHAPTER X 

THE EMPRESS AND THE CAPITULATION OF METZ 

WHEN all the facts of the Regnier affair were 
known to the Emperor, he concluded from them 
that If the Prussian Government was indeed sin- 
cere in its desire to treat with the Regent, rather than with 
the Government of National Defense, it certainly was not 
from any chivalrous feeling towards an unhappy woman 
or from any personal preference for the Napoleonic 
Dynasty, He knew better than any other that, even after 
three-quarters of a century, the Bonapartes had not yet 
gained a footing in the family of kings and that no one 
had yet forgiven either their conquests or their democratic 
spirit. This feeling was more keen and more lasting with 
the HohenzoUerns than with any others. Had not the 
King of Prussia at the beginning of the struggle declared 
that he was not making war upon France but upon her 
Government? I lay all the more stress upon that declara- 
tion because later we shall find Bismarck making an abso- 
lutely opposite statement. Thus the Emperor supposed 
the King of Prussia and his Minister to be swayed by the 
following two purely selfish considerations: firstly, the 
danger of letting loose and strengthening the revolu- 
tionary spirit, which from France might spread to the 
whole of Europe, as it did in 1793, in 1830, and in 1848; 
secondly, the impossibility of arranging a peace with an 
insurrectionary government which had no regular army at 
its disposal to carry out the conditions of the treaty and 

enforce order. 

197 



Recollections of the Empress Eugdnie 

To test the real motives which had dominated the 
Prussian Government when it had favorably received an 
adventurer who, as credentials, had brought nothing but 
the signature of a child on a photograph, the Emperor sent 
the following telegram from Wilhelmshohe to Versailles, 
of which to my great regret I cannot give the exact date, 
but for the authenticity of which I can vouch : 

"According to news reproduced in the German papers 
Marshal Bazaine is still able to hold out for a long period 
in Metz. Nevertheless, the situation must end by his 
being obliged to surrender to the superior forces which 
surround him. 

"In our view the interests of France, if rightly under- 
stood, do not here conflict with those of the King of 
Prussia. Both require that this last army which France 
possesses should not be destroyed nor made prisoner. 

"In the first place the Prussians will not obtain the 
surrender of these troops without much bloodshed, and 
they will have, after peace is made, to repatriate this army, 
which it will have cost them so dear to conquer. 

"In the second place, if the Prussian armies enter 
Paris they will have eventually to negotiate a peace, and 
the French Government, whatever it may be, which will 
come after the present one, will be obliged to act with the 
greatest firmness in order to suppress anarchy, disarm the 
populace and establish some permanent settlement. Now 
how can this be done if a more or less organized force is 
not available? Such a force no longer exists in France 
outside the army now shut up in Metz. 

"The properly understood interest of the King of 

Prussia, the future interest of reorganized France, both 

point to the desirability of a military arrangement between 

198 



Discussing an Armistice 



the commander of the army of the King of Prussia and 
Marshal Bazaine. 

"If an armistice were signed extending until the final 
signature of peace, the French army in Metz would not 
be allowed to go outside a certain radius from the fortress, 
but it could be re-victualed and it could send back the 
wounded and the sick. 

"On the other side, the Prussian troops would have to 
keep at a certain distance from Metz. 

"An armistice of this kind which would diminish the 
evils of war would be honorable and profitable to all 
parties." 

The Emperor received at Wilhelmshohe from the 
Prussian general headquarters at Versailles the following 
answer: 

"When peace is concluded between Germany and 
France the first care of the French general will be, doubt- 
less, to suppress anarchy, to establish a permanent settle- 
ment, and in order to do this it is necessary that he should 
have regular and disciplined forces. But Germany, on 
her side, must make it her first object to secure the results 
of a war which is not yet terminated. In granting an ar- 
mistice to General Bazaine which would permit him to 
re-victual and to evacuate his wounded, Germany would be 
giving up the military advantages that she expects from 
the fall of Metz. To justify such a sacrifice Germany 
must obtain before she consents to it such guarantees of 
peace as will assure her in the end such conditions as she 
considers indispensable. The uncertainty in which we are 
as regards the intentions of the marshal and the compensa- 
tion which he proposes to offer for an armistice, from 
which he would be the only one to derive any advantage, 

199 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

does not permit us up to the present to pronounce on the 
suitability of such an arrangement. 

"The relations which M. Regnier, after presenting 
himself at General Headquarters on an alleged mission 
from Hastings, has established with the marshal have not 
come to anything because the agent has not been furnished 
with proper powers by those in whose interests he tried to 
negotiate." 

All this was very clear, and the favorable dispositions 
of the Prussian Government could not be mistaken. But 
still the Empress delayed. Why was this? Simply be- 
cause, like the whole of France and a large part of Europe, 
she allowed herself to be influenced by the poetical bul- 
letins which the Dictator of Tours scattered broadcast. 
She believed in the reality of the Army of the Loire; she 
ardently hoped for a French victory which would have 
reduced to nothing the chances of a restoration of the 
dynasty, but which would at once have opened up the 
prospect of a more favorable peace. She dreamt of a 
vast sortie of the Paris garrison, of the Army of Metz 
rallying in a supreme effort and attempting a break- 
through; or, again, of unexpected enemies forming up 
behind the Prussians and attacking them in the rear, Italy 
led by Garibaldi, Austria urged onwards by the remem- 
brance of Sadowa and drawing to her banner all the 
Germans of the South, who were fighting the French, it 
was rumored, very unwillingly. Such were the chimerical 
possibilities which she discust feverishly with us and 
with all those who came to see her. Those who would 
blame her for entertaining them know nothing of the 
mental confusion, the anguish, and the patriotic madness 
of that time. 

200 



Negotiations Proceed 



At last she made up her mind. After all, it was merely 
a question of learning the terms offered by the conqueror, 
or of suggesting alternatives designed to save the national 
pride and to safeguard the future. 

Two persons were sent in turn to the German head- 
quarters. The first of these envoys was an officer who had 
close relations with the Imperial Family. What he did 
I do not know. He concealed everything from me with 
the greatest care, and he has not left any written traces 
of his mission. But, from some words that escaped 
Bismarck in later conversations, I think that by reason of 
his narrow-mindedness and lack of political ability this 
envoy had injured his cause instead of helping it. 

The second negotiator, M. G., had been suggested by 
M. Rouher, whose confidence he both merited and pos- 
sest. He was level-headed and tactful and he knew 
German thoroughly. During the time that his mission 
lasted at Versailles, M, Leon Chevreau, who took up his 
quarters In Ghent (instead of in Brussels, which was a 
center of intrigue and where it was difficult to escape the 
spies of M. Tachard), held himself In readiness to com- 
municate with him by telegraph and to serve as go-be- 
tween with Chislehurst. M. G., who was delayed by a 
thousand difficulties, did not reach Versailles until Sunday 
the 23 d, and was unable to see Bismarck until Monday 
the 24th. As soon as the first words were exchanged he 
perceived that he was too late and that his Interview with 
the Federal Chancellor would not and could not have any 
but an historical and (so to speak) academic Interest. It 
was between the departure of M. G. from Chislehurst and 
his audience with Bismarck that the real drama had been 
played out. My account of It will take the form of a 
quotation from the diary of one of the principal actors, 

201 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

General Boyer, chief of the staff of the French army of the 
Rhine. I have not changed a word of it, and I have even 
retained some notes which evidently served to help the 
general's memory but which remain unintelligible to me.^ 

"Left Metz Wednesday, October 12, at ten in the 
morning. Left Ars at eleven o'clock. Was kept part of 
the night in front of Nanteuil-Saacy, with the line blocked 
by transport. 

"Arrived at Nanteuil-Saacy at six in the morning of 
the 13th. Left by carriage at midday. Arrived via La 
Ferte-sous-Jouarre, Meaux, Lagny and Villeneuve Saint- 
Georges at Versailles at five in the morning, Friday, 
October 14. Stayed with M. Dagnan, 48, Rue de Satory. 
At half-past twelve warned that M. le Comte de Bismarck 
awaited me. Admitted to see the count at one o'clock in 
the afternoon. 

" I tell him, in few words, the object of my visit. When 
I pronounced the name of M. Regnier the count looked 
questioningly at me, interrupted me and insisted to know 
if it was always thus that I designated him, if this was the 
only name by which he was known to me. I answered that 
the marshal had never seen him or heard of him before. 

"The count then began to speak, and told me that 
M. Regnier presented himself to him as coming from 
Hastings and had shown him as his sole credentials a 
photograph, on the back of which was the signature of the 
Prince Imperial; that he had then explained his plan, and 
asked him (Bismarck) for permission to go and sound the 
marshal in the cause of the Regency, or decide him to take 
sides for the Regent, since it was in the interests of her 
Government that his plan was conceived. 

^ Here begins the verbatim extract from General Boyer's diary (Translator's Note). 

202 



General Boyer's Diary 



"'That man appeared to me sincere,' said the count, 
and it is certain that he has behaved as such. He had not 
confided his project to those at Hastings, where he is in 
very bad odor and where his services were rejected. He 
has served the Empress, and it seems that, nevertheless, 
he has incurred her displeasure so that she will not have 
anything to do with him. 

"The count then told me all his conversation with this 
Regnier, arriving at the explanation of the telegram that 
he had sent to the marshal,^ and he concluded by telling 
me that the marshal's answer without being absolutely 
negative proved to him that M. Regnier was in no way 
deputed to negotiate conditions, and he had therefore been 
asked to leave headquarters. 

"*I had, moreover,' continued the count, * dispatched 
this telegram to the marshal chiefly to prove to M. Regnier 
that I placed little reliance on his conditions, for he had 
declared to me that the marshal refused to discuss any 
arrangement which included the town of Metz, and it is 
Metz that we want above all.' 

"The count stopt and I spoke. I told him that I 
came on the part of the marshal to resume the conversa- 
tions initiated by M. Regnier; that the marshal had waited 
a long time, first of all for news, then for the return of 
General Bourbaki; that the telegram in which there was a 
question of the surrender of the army outside Metz had 
greatly disturbed him, and in order to put an end to all 
misinterpretation and to prove that he had acted and was 
still disposed to act in good faith, he had asked to be 
allowed to send me to the headquarters of the King to 
convey the explanations which I was now giving. 

^ See above, p. 193, for the approximate contents of this telegram. 
203 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"I then entered on the subject of the note which had 
been sent to Prince Frederick Charles. The count listened 
very attentively. Up to this time we had conversed in an 
office close to a room where there were a number of clerks. 
He rose and said to me, * There are here, close by, people 
who understand French. Walls, as they say, have ears: 
let us go into the garden; we shall talk more freely,' and 
lighting his cigar he led the way. 

"Objection raised by the refusal to hand over Metz. 
The Emperor alone can release General Coffinieres.^ 

"Objection raised by the difficulty of holding the army 
under control once outside the besiegers' lines — may be 
partly met by causing the army to commit itself openly in 
favor of the Imperial Regency. 

' "'Note very carefully,' continued the count, 'that if 
you cannot control the army your personal situation will 
become one of extreme danger. Your life, your fortune 
and your country are at stake, and you are risking exile 
at the least.' 

"He then dwelt on the sentiments which animated 
Prussia. They were not in the least hostile to the Imperial 
Dynasty, nor to the form of Government which had main- 
tained order during twenty years. They will treat, on the 
contrary, more willingly with the Regency than with any 
other Government, because, in his opinion, it is the form 
most likely to assure the future. 

"'But he could not disguise the fact that it was France 
who declared war on Germany, and at this moment it is 
against France that Germany is waging war. The present 
situation of France does not permit of treating with her 
Government which offers no prospect of stability, and 

^ General Coffinieres commanded the town of Metz, and in this capacity was in- 
dependent of Marshal Bazaine (Translator's Note). 

204 



The Army of Metz 



which in consequence cannot give any serious guarantee 
of a lasting peace.' 

"Bismarck then told me about his interview with the 
Emperor after the capitulation of Sedan. He said that 
he sincerely believed that the Emperor would have en- 
tered into negotiations, so that he was much surprised 
when His Majesty told him that, being a prisoner, he 
had no power and that the Regent was the only person 
who could treat for peace, 'and from that moment,' 
added the count, 'I was so thoroughly convinced that it 
was in the interest of the Regency to open negotiations 
for peace, that I at once welcomed the overtures of M. 
Regnier, believing that he came in the name of the Re- 
gent, even though it was then rather late in the day. 

"'You now bring before me the views and the wishes 
of Marshal Bazaine. Assuredly the Army of Metz is the 
only one that remains to France. The Army of the Loire, 
composed of volunteers, of Gardes Mobiles, and of the 
last regiments that could be withdrawn from Algeria, has 
just been annihilated at Arthenay and at Orleans. It may 
have contained twenty-five thousand regular troops. You 
have no other army, nothing that can come to the rescue 
of Paris. Paris is, moreover, in such a position that 
famine alone will probably suffice to reduce it. One does 
not bombard a city like Paris. All the same, it might be 
necessary when the time comes to proceed to this last 
extremity.' Here the count gave me some details of the 
price of horse-flesh at Paris. He entered at the same time 
into some reflections on the savage character (outside the 
customs of civilized nations) which the francs tireurs had 
given to the war! 

"'We shall be merciless to these gentry,' he said, 'and 
we shall kill them all.' 

205 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"Returning to the subject of allowing the French army 
to leave Metz, the count told me that he must concern 
himself not only with the possibility of maintaining the 
army in its allegiance, but also with the question of the 
eventual peace treaty. For, in order to run no risk that, 
when we have recovered a certain liberty of action, the 
peace negotiations may break down, it will be necessary 
for him to have assurances that his conditions will be 
accepted, however exorbitant they may appear. 

"Therefore, some one must go to Hastings or to Cassel 
so that the two negotiations can be conducted on parallel 
lines. It seems better that the question should be settled 
at Hastings, because treating thus in a neutral country the 
Empress will not appear to be submitting to the pressure 
of the foreigner. 'Go, then, to Hastings, general,' he said, 
'and obtain from the Empress the order for General 
Coffinieres to deliver up Metz since Marshal Bazaine has 
not the power to do it. That will be already some guar- 
antee for us.' 

"He then said that it was regrettable that the fleet 
had not shown itself favorable to the restoration of the 
Regency, for as the North and the commercial towns like 
Rouen longed for order and feared the Republic, it would 
have been easy with the assistance of the fleet to make 
Le Havre (which, though showing signs of restlessness, 
nevertheless wished, on the whole, for order and the main- 
tenance of public prosperity) the pivot of this restoration. 

"Here the count added as a parenthesis: 

"'It is essential that France should settle for herself 
the form of her Government. We shall not repeat the 
error of 1815 by imposing one upon her. And we can see 
that the present Republican Government is not acting in 
good faith. It has twice attempted an appeal to the elec- 

3o6 



The French Situation 



tors, on October 2 and again on October i6, but it keeps on 
putting it off because it knows very well that the elections 
will go against it. The conservative element, which is the 
strongest in France, does not want this Republic and its 
terrorism. Be assured that, if a plebiscite were taken 
to-day the Emperor would still have a big majority.' 

"I interrupted the count to say that if he did indeed 
think thus, and if he was convinced that Marshal Ba- 
zaine's army was the only one that remained in France, it 
was only logical and it was in his own interest, as well as in 
ours, to set this army free as quickly as possible and in 
such conditions as to leave to it the moral authority neces- 
sary for the work which it proposed to accomplish. He 
kept on making the same objection, though I assured him 
that one could rely on the army, or at least on the greater 
majority of it: there might be partial desertions perhaps, 
but only solitary instances. 

"Pursuing his argument, the count laid before me the 
present state of France: Paris was in the hands of the 
Republicans, Lyons was dominated by the extremists who 
kept the red flag hoisted there; the North was longing to 
see tranquillity reestablished and had asked that German 
troops should be sent to maintain order; the West was in 
the hands of the clergy, who stirred up the memories of 
Charette and Stofflet to urge the populace to repulse 
Protestant invaders who had come to annihilate Catholi- 
cism; the South had not yet declared itself definitely, except 
at Marseilles, where the Commune had taken the reins of 
Government. Of the state of Europe and of its attitude 
the count said not a word. This Republic of Paris and of 
Lyons had discouraged even the Americans who had sent 
a deputation to talk over matters with the Republican 
Government and to endeavor to mediate. 

207 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"'I saw these gentlemen/ proceeded the count, 'who 
went away saying to me that one could do nothing with 
such people; that they were madmen who did not even 
know the meaning of a Republican State. There is only 
one man among them who is sincere and a true Republican, 
and he is General Trochu.' 

" I protested that the conversion of General Trochu to 
Republican ideas dated only from the day when the 
Imperial Government had refused to accept his personal 
theories and when his ambitions had been disappointed. 

"'In any case,' replied the count, 'the Emperor had 
singularly misplaced his confidence when he gave Trochu 
the mission of protecting the Empress, the Regency, and 
the Executive. He has betrayed that confidence, for he 
had the means of defending the Assembly.' 

"'But is it, then, a fact,' I asked him, 'that the elec- 
tions are not to take place on the i6th.?' 'There is a dis- 
agreement,' replied the count, 'between Paris and Tours. 
Cremieux wants the elections to take place, Paris does not. 
Gambetta even went off in a balloon to see his colleague 
and try to convince him. He came down at Amiens and 
reached Tours by the West.' 

"I thanked Bismarck for all this information, so valu- 
able to us, and I told him that I wished to make haste to 
return to Metz and to report to the marshal and receive 
his orders. 'You understand,' said the count, 'that our 
conversation must be the subject of a conference between 
the King and myself. His Majesty will doubtless wish 
to consult Marshal Moltke and the Minister of War. To- 
morrow you will receive the King's answer and then you 
can go.' I then begged him to send a telegram to Prince 
Frederick Charles requesting His Royal Highness to in- 
form the marshal that I had only arrived at Versailles that 

208 



Bismarck's Conditions 



morning; that I had had the honor of being received, etc. 
. . . He promised me to do so, then handed me some 
newspapers to give me information of the situation and 
took leave of me. It was then four o'clock in the afternoon. 

"Towards six o'clock I was informed that the King was 
about to hold a council that day with General Count von 
Moltke and the Minister of War. 

"(Observation of Count Bismarck relative to the pro- 
longation of the war: *The war cannot last for ever, but, 
if necessary, we are ready to take up winter quarters, 
although we had rather not. We should much prefer to 
return to our homes which, indeed, we have not left 
willingly.') 

"On the 15th at two o'clock Count Bismarck, who had 
notified me of his coming an hour before, came to see me in 
the lodging which had been assigned me and informed me 
of the resolution which had been taken at the council. He 
told me that the generals had, as he had anticipated, spon- 
taneously declared that they must insist upon a capitula- 
tion in the same terms of that of Sedan, in accordance with 
military requirements. He had then spoken and pointed 
out to the King that, without prejudice to military require- 
ments, it was necessary to take Into account political and 
diplomatic interests in the question then before them. 

"It was then agreed that all question of capitulation 
should be put on one side for the moment, and that the 
object to be aimed at should be to obtain the assurance 
that the Army of Metz would remain faithful to its oath 
and constitute itself the champion of the Imperial dynasty. 
The marshal must make a solemn declaration, or take 
some open step, by which he would make this well under- 
stood in order that the country should know that it could 
rely on his support if it wished to rally around the Regent. 

209 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

In this way the army would commit itself to a position 
which compromised it with the RepubHcans, and Bis- 
marck would then see the effect produced in France by this 
declaration. To this must be joined a manifesto by the 
Empress, who, being then sure of receiving support from 
the Army of Metz, would appeal to the nation, claim her 
rights, and ask the French people to confirm them once 
more by a vote. 

"Then only could one treat with any chance of suc- 
cessfully carrying out a plan which would lead to a general 
peace and which would stop further bloodshed; whereas, 
under present conditions, everything was highly doubtful. 
(Interview with Jules Favre, the comedy he played, his 
bad faith concerning Soissons and Mont-Valerien. The 
incidents of Strasbourg and of Toul.) The count returned 
to the opinion of the American generals. 'They have 
gone off exasperated, saying that they had the impression 
of having been through a lunatic asylum for monkeys.' 

"^(? telegram from Count Bernstorff stating the Em- 
press's regret for her cold reception of General Bour- 
baki: the Emperor having remonstrated with her sharply 
on this subject, saying he had now no one on whom to 
rely except Bazaine, who had remained faithful, the 
Empress had replied that she was ready to give the 
marshal all powers for negotiation, and even to abdicate 
the Regency of the Empire in his favor. 

"'Oh,' I said, 'the marshal would never accept such 
an arrangement.' 'I should certainly never counsel him 
to do so,' said Count Bismarck, 'if he asked my advice. 
It would only complicate matters and divide opinions still 
further.' 

"J?^ letters from M. le Baron Gudin and M. de Laval- 
ette remained unanswered: M. Thiers asked to come; they 

2IO 



General Boyer at Chislehurst 

let him come. He is at Florence, returning from Vienna 
after his excursion to Saint Petersburg, where he had been 
dismissed by the Emperor of Russia with these words: 
* If Austria takes any part in the quarrel I will declare war 
on her immediately.' M. Thiers would be in Florence to 
treat on the question of Nice, in which Bismarck does not 
wish to meddle, the question of Rome and of Italy is not 
his affair. 

" jR(? letter from the Comte de Chambord unanswered." * 

The general returned to Metz with all the haste pos- 
sible under the circumstances. 

The 19th was taken up with meetings between the 
marshal and his principal officers, to whom General Boyer 
made a detailed report of all that he had seen and heard 
at Versailles. Then — ^with a Prussian safe conduct — he 
crossed the lines of Prince Frederick Charles's army, 
bound for Chislehurst, which he reached on the 21st, and 
where his arrival created a profound impression upon us. 

The manners of General Boyer were grave and un- 
assuming. His face just then was pale and haggard with 
hardship and suffering, and he looked like the ghost of 
that noble army of which he had been one of the leaders 
and whose fate he mourned. Seeing him thus our hearts 
bled. One single thought took possession of the Empress, 
as it did of all of us; that one must make the very greatest 
sacrifices to save that unhappy army if there was still 
time. For some moments that one thought blotted out 
every other consideration. 

The general brought two letters which left no doubt 
as to the authenticity of his mission, or as to the feelings 
of the heads of the army. 

* Here ends the extract from General Boyer's diary (Translator's Note). 

211 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

The first, signed by the marshal, ran thus : 

Metz, October 19, 1870. 
"Madame, — It is now some time since I sent General 
Bourbaki to Your Majesty. Not having received any 
reply, I send to-day General Boyer, my aide-de-camp, to 
assure Her of our loyalty. Your Majesty will give him 
her gracious orders and can have all confidence in him. 

*'I have the honor to be with the most profound 
respect, 

"Your Majesty's very devoted servant, 

^''{Signed) Marshal Bazaine." 

The second letter came from General Frossard, gover- 
nor of the Prince Imperial and commander of one of 
the army corps before Metz. 

This is the text: 

"Madame, — Since our misfortunes, I have not had the 
honor to write to Your Majesty to express to Her my 
devotion and my hopes for the future. The strict blockade 
that holds us in Metz and which up to the present it has 
not been possible to break, has prevented all outside 
communication. 

"The army of Marshal Bazaine has kept its organiza- 
tion, its spirit, its discipline and a great part of its strength. 
It is, as well as its chief and those who command under his 
orders, entirely devoted to the Emperor, to Your Majesty, 
and to her august son. It is still the Imperial Army, 
and we can answer for it. Your Majesty knows the situa- 
tion better than we do, who have only learnt a few details 
from General Boyer, returned yesterday from Versailles. 

"The Empress already knows, and this general officer 
will tell her again that the King of Prussia cannot and 
will not enter into negotiations for peace except with the 

212 



General Frossard's Letter 



Imperial Government as represented by the Regent and 
backed up by the Army of Metz. For this it is necessary 
that this army shall be released from the blockade by a 
military arrangement which shall allow it to retain its 
unimpaired organization, its arms, its powers of action and 
its freedom of movement, under the sole condition of not 
taking any further part in the struggle. 

"It would not then act except to support the Govern- 
ment which no one had the right to overthrow, and to 
maintain that social order which is so menaced in the midst 
of the internal dissensions to which our poor country is a 
prey. Your Majesty also knows that M. de Bismarck 
demands that the Government of the Regent should 
publicly assert itself and give a guarantee of its good 
faith, thus showing itself ready and willing to treat for 
peace. 

"Our enemy demands as well that the main conditions 
of the treaty be accepted by the Regency before the 
Imperial Army leaves Metz — that is one of his essential 
stipulations. 

"I do not know if he will persist in this demand, but 
if Your Majesty will permit me to say so, it is very im- 
portant that She should put herself, as Regent, in touch 
with the Prussian Government. 

" I do not know either what all the conditions of peace 
may be, but if they are not completely unacceptable I 
think (with all the chiefs of our army) that Your Majesty 
will do well to agree to them in order to save the country, 
which the prolongation of the present state of things is 
destroying utterly. 

"It is only the Imperial Government, believe me, 
Madame, which can undertake this task and assume this 
responsibility. Such action cannot injure it, for it is 

213 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

universally admitted to-day that France cannot avoid the 
cruel consequences that one sees ahead, and it is in the 
power of no one to take the cup of bitterness from her. 

"Will Your Majesty permit me to implore Her to 
listen to General Boyer, now sent by the marshal, and to 
believe his words which reflect the feelings of us all. 

"I entreat Your Majesty to believe me to be her most 
faithful, most devoted and most respectful servant, 

"(Signed) Charles Frossard." 

The Empress read these two letters and conferred with 
General Boyer, who thought it his duty not to com- 
municate to her as yet all that he knew of the Prussian 
demands. 

The same day he sent a telegram to Bismarck, through 
Count BernstorfF. I cannot give the exact terms of this 
telegram, but I can vouch for the gist of it. 

General Boyer informed the Federal Chancellor that 
he had seen the Empress. She demanded the revic- 
tualing of the army for fifteen days, and she asked to 
be informed as to the basis of the preliminaries of peace. 
A direct message from the Empress to King William 
followed and confirmed the telegram sent by General 
Boyer. The message from the Empress ran thus: 

"Sire, — ^Your Majesty has in your hands the telegram 
from Count von Bernstorff to Count von Bismarck. I beg 
Your Majesty to be favorable to my request. Its accept- 
ance is an indispensable condition if negotiations are to 
proceed. "(Signed) Eugenie." 

Bismarck sent the following reply to General Boyer's 
telegram : 

214 



An Essential Stipulation 



"Versailles, i 1.30 a. m., October. ^ 
"To be able to reply I must take the King's orders. 
I can say beforehand that the re-vIctuallng is, militarily, 
inadmissible. I refer the matter to General Boyer's own 
judgment. " (Signed) Bismarck." 

Then a second telegram came which enlightened the 
Empress as to the real thoughts of the King of Prussia 
and of his councilors: 

"The questions put yesterday give neither to the 
Empress nor to ourselves assurances of any guarantees for 
peace. The army of Bazalne has not made its pronuncia- 
miento,^ and we should have to obtain by force of arms 
(and probably against the resistance of the army of 
Bazalne) the execution of the treaty. 

"The King will not treat except under the conditions 
that I have made known to General Boyer and of which 
none have been fulfilled. " (Signed) Bismarck." 

It was then that General Boyer revealed to the Empress 
the conditions: 

1. Public demonstration by the French Army in favor 

of the Imperial Dynasty. 

2. Proclamation of the Empress to the French people and 

her departure for France with an undertaking to sign 
the preliminaries of peace, however exorbitant they 
might appear, such preliminaries to be made known 
only in France and to be kept secret. 

3. The convening of the Chambers. 

^ Date blank (Translator's Note). 

*A Spanish word signifying a political proclamation by a military commander. 
He refers here to the public demonstration on the part of this array, asked for in his 
interview with General Boyer (Translator's Note). 

215 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Bismarck was strangely mistaken if he believed that 
ihe Empress would let herself be tempted by a pronuncia- 
tniento; she remembered far too well how these military 
coups (TEtat had led to, and achieved, the downfall of her 
native country to attempt to acclimatize in France these 
disastrous political ways. Undoubtedly she firmly be- 
lieved, and in this belief I agreed, and still agree, with 
her, that not only was the marshal, commander-in-chief 
of the army of the Rhine, justified in considering himself 
as being still the subject of the Emperor, in whose name 
he held his command, but that he was absolutely bound, in 
honor and conscience, to do so as long as the Sovereign 
himself or a national plebiscite had not relieved him from 
his oath. 

The first effect of revolutions is to overthrow people's 
notions of political morality and of legality. They make 
treason of loyalty and heroism of treason. They place 
a Trochu in a palace and drag a Bazaine to a dungeon. 
No one could ask the Empress to accept such reasoning 
on the morrow of the Fourth of September. 

But if she had no scruple in accepting the devotion 
of the marshal and of his army, she did so only on con- 
dition that such devotion was inspired exclusively by 
the spirit of discipline and by respect for authority based 
upon universal suffrage. She did not admit that soldiers 
should be called upon to take sides for or against their 
commanders; still less did she admit that they should 
divide into opposing factions and begin a civil war among 
themselves even before they had finished the war against 
the foreigner. Only an enemy could have given such 
counsel. 

She read clearly in each line and between each line of 

Bismarck's his intention and his hope to divide our forces. 

216 



Bismarckian Lies 



She was even more convinced when General Boyer, having 
now no reason for silence, or for reserve, placed before her 
eyes the notes that he had made after his two interviews 
with the Chancellor, with which the reader is already 
familiar. Bismarck, taking his own desires for realities 
and the suggestions of hatred for accomplished facts, had 
represented to General Boyer the feelings of France in the 
falsest light. 

We had no difficulty in proving to the general that the 
information given by Bismarck was a tissue of lies. No; it 
was not true that different parties and different districts in 
France thought differently. No; Paris was not starving; 
the Army of the Loire was not a myth. There were no 
emigres,^ in the country or out of it. From one end of 
France to the other Royalists and Imperialists had united 
to defend their country and had provisionally accepted 
the Government which had imposed itself by a sudden 
stroke, but which did not represent a tenth of the electors. 
Nor did that Government itself, tainted and irregular 
though it was, consist of a collection of maniacs and brig- 
ands, as Bismarck would have made Boyer believe, 
though he did not himself believe a word of his own state- 
ment, since he had been in negotiation with Jules Favre, 
and was at that very moment negotiating with M. Thiers. 
The double dealing and deceitfulness of our enemy were 
therefore manifest. 

But where this Prussian machination became absolutely 
odious, where it took on a character of cruelty hitherto un- 
known in history, was in the attempt to make the Empress 
agree to terms of peace without letting her know what they 
were. 

^ The (migris were those Royalists who went abroad, or aided the foreigner, after 1793 
(Translator's Note). 

217 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

On this point Bismarck had miscalculated even more 
than over the question of the pronunciamiento. He imag- 
ined he had to deal with a vain woman who would be 
ready to do anything for the sake of recovering the crown, 
which had been the ornament of her pretty head. Far 
from falling into this trap, the Empress burst out into 
splendid and flaming anger. 

"A blank order! ... I must give him a blank order, 
truly! Why, it is our honor they are asking for!" 

She had bitter words for the generals in Metz, who, 
in order to avoid a capitulation, had added their in- 
sistence to the injunctions of the enemy. General Boyer 
hung his head without saying a word, but his humble 
silence was eloquent. It recalled to the Empress all that 
those hundred thousand brave men had suffered, who to- 
day were dying of hunger and who to-morrow would give 
up their arms and be scattered amongst the German 
fortresses. 

Those days were terrible, and I venture to say that this 
was the supreme and agonizing crisis of her life. On the 
Fourth of September her duty was plain; this time she 
debated in an agony of doubt and anxiety, at one time 
deciding to break oif all negotiations, at another brought 
back by her own thoughts, or by a word from one of her 
counselors, to the idea that Prussia was perhaps sincere 
in her declared intention not to treat with the Republican 
Government because it had no guarantees to oifer, or any 
organized force by which to maintain order and enforce 
the acceptance of peace. 

To hold back — ^was it not to give up France to the last 
horrors of dismemberment and anarchy? 

She decided to make a supreme effort, and wrote to 

BernstorfF: 

218 



Too Late ! 

"Monsieur le Comte, — 

"Time is so precious and the go-betweens make 
us lose so much that I should like to speak personally with 
you. Lady Cowley has kindly put her house in London 
— 20 Albemarle Street — at my disposal. If you can come 
there, you can do so unobserved. 
"Believe in my best regards. 

"(Signed) Eugenie." 

This interview actually took place. Count Bernstorff 
declared that he knew the terms of peace as laid down by 
the King of Prussia, but he refused to communicate them 
to the Empress without being authorized to do so by his 
Sovereign. 

The Empress could do nothing more except wait for 
the final answer which the King of Prussia might make to 
the message transmitted to him by Count Bernstorff, as 
well as to the letter of which M. G. was the bearer. It 
was, in fact, at this moment that M. G. was being re- 
ceived by Bismarck at Versailles. The Chancellor told 
him the facts of Boyer's mission and its negative results. 

Again our enemy attributed the failure of the negotia- 
tions to the non-compliance with the preliminary condi- 
tions insisted upon by Prussia. After Sedan the Imperial 
Government could have purchased peace at the price of a 
trifling portion of territory; there was still time, when M. 
Regnier had come to Ferrieres, and an arrangement was 
still possible when General Boyer had appeared at Ver- 
sailles, if matters had been expedited; but during the past 
eight days events had moved quickly. The fall of Metz 
was imminent and that of Paris was not in doubt in the 
minds of the German Staff. And the Chancellor con- 
cluded: "It is too late!" 

219 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Nevertheless, he did not refuse to listen to the pro- 
posals which M. G. had been ordered to submit to him, 
and I reproduce here all that part of their conversation 
because the answers of the Chancellor show exactly what 
were already at this date the demands of the conquerors. 

The conditions offered by the Empress, which Bis- 
marck declared he knew already — how and by what means 
I can explain neither to the reader nor to myself — were the 
following : 

The dismantling of Strasbourg; the establishment of 
that city as a free town, with a territory to be determined 
later; pecuniary indemnity; the cession of Cochin China. 

"These conditions,^ so far as they concerned Alsace, 
did not appear sufficient to M. de Bismarck; they would 
enable France to take, at some future time, the offensive 
against Germany, of which the military organization, said 
M. de Bismarck, was purely defensive. 

"I proposed to M. de Bismarck, but subject to refer- 
ence to my principal, an arrangement by which Alsace 
should be constituted a neutral State. 

"I endeavored to represent to the count that among 
the people of Alsace the municipal and local spirit was 
strongly developed, and that under an autonomous regime 
they would rapidly develop independent habits and senti- 
ments which would effectually prevent any fresh collision 
between Germany and France. 

"Count Bismarck did not believe that such was the 
spirit of the people of Alsace, and he appeared persuaded 
that a State constituted in that way would form an out- 
post for France against Germany, and that no kind of 
Government would be strong enough to secure or maintain 
its neutrality. 

^ Quotation from the report of M. G. (Translator's Note). 
2 20 



Annexation of Alsace-Lorraine 

"In the solution which Count Bismarck wished to see 
adopted in the case of Alsace — a solution he considers to- 
day as entirely in the hands of Germany and outside the 
scope of international transactions — that province, with- 
out conscription, without deputies in the Reichstag, would 
retain in part its present organization and would be occu- 
pied by German troops. 

"It would no longer be a neutral Alsace, but a purely 
Germanic one. An analogous arrangement would be ap- 
plied to that portion of territory comprising Metz and 
the places connected with the defense of that fortress. 
Bismarck affirmed that these losses would not sensibly 
diminish the French possessions if one took account of the 
territorial expansions which had taken place during the 
Empire. 

"As to Cochin China, M. de Bismarck said Germany 
was not rich enough to burden herself with this colony! 

"After having delivered himself of this epigram, which 
was not perhaps altogether unmerited, at the expense of 
our colonial system, the Chancellor concluded by saying 
that in view of the continually increasing successes of the 
German Army, the King could not accept the conditions 
offered by the Empress without provoking the utmost dis- 
content amongst his subjects of all classes. 

"M. de Bismarck appears to be haunted by the idea 
that, the moment peace is signed, France will think of 
nothing but revenge, and will make it necessary for Ger- 
many to remain under arms for perhaps fifteen or twenty 
years. It is to guard against this danger that Germany 
wishes to have guarantees in her own hands, and cannot be 
content with promises which she recognizes as sincere, but 
which she fears may be impossible of realization."^ 

^ This concludes the quotation from M. G.'s report (Translator's Note). 

221 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

In presence of this attitude, which it seemed impossible 
to modify, the envoy of the Empress had no choice but to 
withdraw, after leaving in the hands of Bismarck the letter 
of his Sovereign to the King of Prussia. 

It had been agreed that the Chancellor would let him 
know if that letter "required further explanation or 
answer." 

After waiting twenty-four hours he returned to Chisle- 
hurst. 

Bismarck remained like a spider in the middle of his 
web ; he had in his desk a letter from the Comte de Cham- 
bord; he had, in some way, forced the Empress to nego- 
tiate, and M. Thiers waited his pleasure to discuss an 
armistice. 

Had he (Bismarck) seriously considered for a single 
instant the idea of treating with any of them? I do not 
think so; he had but one end in view: to play one off 
against the other and to urge the different parties into 
internecine struggles so as to lay France in the dust. 

In that hope, fortunately, he was mistaken, as on many 
other points, and one may have noted, in the preceding 
pages, the historical and psychological misconceptions, the 
pitiable moral arithmetic, the vulgar pedantry of this 
brutal handler of men, whose power was based, not on in- 
telligence, but only on violence and fraud. Moltke, 
Frederick Charles, Manteuifel and Werder won the game. 
Bismarck gathered up the stakes. 

Meanwhile, General Boyer had arrived at the conclu- 
sion that his presence in London had no further object. 
He applied on the 26th to Bernstorff to obtain the neces- 
sary safe-conducts in order to rejoin the Army of Metz. 

"Nothing is concluded, why go.^"' said the Prussian 
Minister. He added that the conditions of peace would 

222 



William of Prussia's Letter 



be much less hard for the Regency than for the RepubUcan 
Government. He gave Boyer to understand that they 
would be contented with "quite a small cession of ter- 
ritory." 

The same day this same Bernstorff transmitted to the 
Empress the King of Prussia's reply. It was in these 
terms : 

"Madame, — Count Bernstorff has sent me by telegram 
the words which you wished to address to me. I desire 
with all my heart to bring peace to our two nations, but to 
arrive at peace it is necessary to establish at least the prob- 
ability that we shall succeed in making France accept the 
result of our negotiations without having to continue the 
war against the entire forces of France. 

"At the present time, I regret that the uncertainty in 
which we find ourselves with reference to the political dis- 
positions of the Army of Metz, as well as those of the 
French nation, does not allow me to follow up the negotia- 
tions proposed by your Majesty. 

''(Signed) William." 

Almost at the same time the Empress received from 
Prince Metternich the following letter: 

"Tours, October 24, 1870. 
"Madame, — I am in some sort unofficially commis- 
sioned by the Provisional Delegacy at Tours, to ask for 
your Majesty's cooperation in the present circumstances. 
As the mission that I have accepted is eminently confiden- 
tial, I beg you to keep it absolutely secret and arrange that 
no one shall read this letter; although, indeed, it might 
well be preserved as a curious document. Those here are 

223 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

greatly worried concerning the mission of General Boyer 
to Versailles and to Chislehurst. I have been asked what 
reception I thought you would give to this envoy from 
Bazaine in case he proposed to you to treat directly with 
Prussia in the name of the Regency. I replied that to 
the best of my belief (i) you had nothing now in view but 
the welfare of France; (2) that you would certainly refuse 
to serve as a pretext for new complications, or to do any- 
thing that might embarrass the defense; (3) that you 
would never give your support to negotiations which im- 
plied the loss of an inch of territory. All were unanimous 
in approving my reply. All the information which has 
been received concerning your patriotic attitude agrees 
with my assertions. 

"Matters have, however, gone even farther. It is said 
that in the Boyer affair you could render France an im- 
mense service by preventing the capitulation of Metz 
before the conclusion of the armistice which England, 
supported by the other Great Powers, has just proposed, 
and I am asked if I cannot, on my own responsibility, 
suggest this good deed to you. 

"It seemed to me that I might do so, and I have thus 
taken upon myself a mission which is, from the diplomatic 
standpoint, highly incorrect. This letter will arrive rather 
late in the day. Possibly the whole affair is less important 
than one imagines. You may perhaps have already sug- 
gested to General Boyer that he should get into touch 
with the provisional Government, so as to avoid a split. 

"However this may be, it is my wish to carry out the 
errand that only my devotion to your cause and to that 
of France has made me accept. 

"The news from Paris is really good, and the Army 
of the Loire is no longer a myth. If it were not for the 

224 



Metternich's Appeal 



fear of seeing Metz capitulate, the situation improves 
daily. Who knows? 

"Of your Majesty, 
"The most humble servant, 

"Metternich." 

Without a moment's hesitation, the Empress replied 
by the following telegram: 

"Chislehurst, October 26, 1870. 

"The capitulation of Metz is a matter only of hours. 
They have no food. Hurry on the armistice. I desire 
intensely to save this last army and bulwark of order, even 
at the cost of all our hopes. You cannot doubt my ardent 
patriotism which makes me efface myself to-day, whilst 
reserving my claim to our rights when peace is made. 

"General Changarnier had entrusted General Boyer 
with a message for M. Thiers. It is unfortunate that they 
could not meet. 

" {Signed) Eugenie." 

The next day, the 27th, we received a visit which was 
very unexpected and very surprizing for those who were 
not in the secret of the situation. M. Tissot, the diplo- 
matic agent of the Government of National Defense, came 
to Chislehurst to lay at the feet of the Empress the thanks 
of this same Government. I saw him; he came in walking 
on tiptoe, with a constrained smile. He was drest in 
a manner half official, half informal — a black dress-coat 
and gray trousers, which he doubtless considered in 
harmony with the unusual character of the step he was 
taking. His first words to Duperre were almost exactly 
the same as those of Prince Metternich: "I am charged 
with a highly incorrect mission." 

225 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

The Empress did not receive him, which greatly com- 
forted his soul! 

But this semi-comic episode disappeared in the emotion 
caused by the close of the whole tragedy. On this same 
27th of October Metz fell.^ The news was con- 
veyed to the Empress by the following letter from 
General Boyer: 

"London, October 27, 1870. 
"Madame, — It is my painful duty to inform your 
Majesty that the Army of the Rhine and the fortress of 
Metz capitulated to-day. I have not the strength, under 
the weight of this terrible blow, to bring in person to your 
Majesty the fatal letter in which Count Bernstorff tells me 
this news. To-morrow I shall have the honor of pre- 
senting myself at Chislehurst to take your Majesty's 
orders. Amid this uninterrupted series of reverses which 
have struck France and the Imperial Family, the un- 
happy Army of the Rhine will have at least, in its last 
hour, the consolation of having done its duty to the end, 
and of having retained the esteem and affection of your 
Majesty, I have witnessed the efforts that you have made 
to save it, Madame, and when I rejoin my companions in 

^ I have been greatly surprized to read in the BernstorfF papers, following 
the text of the telegrams exchanged between Chislehurst and Versailles, two 
other telegrams, then unknown to me, which M. Henri Welschinger has repro- 
duced in his fine work on the Diplomatic History of the War of 1870. They 
are dated October 27, 1870. In the first the Empress confers on Marshal 
Bazaine the lieutenancy-general of the Empire. In the second someone replies that 
the surrender of Metz is an accomplished fact and that the marshal is a prisoner of 
war. 

I do not dispute the authenticity of these telegrams; I only remark that they do 
not figure in my collection — they were never brought to me to be copied like the 
others. 

That morning the Empress stopt for a moment by my side in the gallery and 
said to me: "Do you know what they are now asking? They want me to 
appoint Bazaine lieutenant-general of the Empire." She passed on without another 
word, as if it sufficed to merely mention the idea in order to show its absurdity. 

226 



The "Day of the Dead" 



arms to take part in their exile my first duty will be to give 
them that assurance. 

"I have the honor to be, etc., 

" (Signed) Napoleon Boyer." 

The Empress answered him: 

"My dear General, — I have just received your letter. 
Broken by grief, I can only express to you my admiration 
for that valiant army and its leaders. Overwhelmed by 
numbers, but faithful guardians of the glory and the 
honor of our unhappy country, they have kept intact the 
traditions of our old legions. You know my efforts and 
my impotence to avert a fate that I would fain have spared 
them at the price of my dearest hopes. 

"I expect to see you to-morrow. I hope that you will 
take a letter to the Marshal. When you rejoin your 
companions in arms tell them that they have been the 
hope, the pride and the grief of an exile like themselves. 

"Believe, my dear General, in my best regards, 

''(Signed) Eugenie." 

Some days after — it was November 2, the "day of 
the dead " — there came to Chislehurst a letter from King 
William, enclosed in one from Count Bernstorff, which 
was brought by an attache from the Embassy. 

The Prussian Minister excused himself for not having 
come in person; he believed himself justified, he said, "in 
thinking that his presence would not be agreeable just 
now to the Empress." He was charged at the same time 
to present to her Majesty the excuses of Count Bismarck, 
who had not written to the Empress, being actuated by a 
similar feeling of "respectful reserve dictated by the 
situation." 

227 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Here is the letter of the King of Prussia. It was a 
reply to the one which had been delivered by M. G. on 
behalf of the Empress on October 24. It was dated the 
25th. Why was the letter not delivered to the addressee 
until a week later? No reason for the delay was forth- 
coming. 

"Madame, — I have received the letter that your 
Majesty has addrest to me, and which has evoked memo- 
ries of the past that I cannot recall without regret. No 
one more than myself deplores the blood spilt in this 
war, which, as your Majesty well knows, was not provoked 
by me. 

"From the beginning of hostilities my constant pre- 
occupation has been to neglect no means of giving back 
to Europe the blessings of peace, if such means were 
offered by France. 

"An understanding would have been easy, so long 
as the Emperor Napoleon believed himself authorized to 
treat, and my Government has not even refused to listen 
to the propositions of Jules Favre, and to offer him the 
means to secure peace for France. 

"When at Ferrieres it appeared that overtures were 
being made in the name of your Majesty, we welcomed 
them cordially, and all facilities were afforded to Marshal 
Bazaine to put himself into communication with your 
Majesty. And when General Boyer came here, it was 
still possible to arrive at an understanding if the pre- 
liminary conditions could be fulfilled without delay. But 
time has gone by without the indispensable guarantees, 
necessary for entering into negotiation, being given. 

"I love my country, as you, Madame, love yours, and 

consequently I understand the bitterness which fills your 

228 



William Insists on Cessions 



Majesty's heart, and I sympathize with it sincerely. But 
after having made such immense sacrifices for her de- 
fense, Germany will have to be assured that the next 
war will find her well prepared to repulse the attack which 
we may expect, as soon as France shall have recovered 
her strength or gained Allies. 

"It is this sad consideration alone, and not the desire 
for the aggrandizement of my country, the territory 
of which is large enough, which forces me to insist on 
cessions of territory, which have no other object than to 
push back the point of departure of the French armies 
which, in the future, will come to attack us. 

"I cannot judge if your Majesty was authorized to 
accept, in the name of France, the conditions which 
Germany demands; but I believe that in doing so you 
would have spared your country many evils, and would 
have preserved it from the anarchy which threatens a 
nation of which for twenty years the Emperor has suc- 
ceeded in developing the prosperity. 

"Pray believe, Madame, in the sentiments with which 
I sign myself, 

"Your Majesty's good brother, 

" (Signed) William. 
"Versailles, October 25." 

It is hardly necessary, I think, to point out the in- 
accuracies and the sophistical arguments which form the 
groundwork of the above letter. It faithfully represented 
the thoughts of Bismarck, and was perhaps his own work. 
In any case it indicated clearly the use which the Prussians 
intended to make of their victory and in what manner they 
would later tell the story of this war, until such time as 

229 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

they felt that the mask could safely be dropt, when they 
exchanged hypocrisy for cynicism. 

However it may be, that letter served as the epilogue 
to the drama. But it was written that in this affair farce 
was to mingle with tragedy even to the end. At this 
moment M. Regnier had it announced, with a great flourish 
of trumpets, that he was off to Wilhelmshohe! And why^ 
He had all at once remembered that six weeks previously 
the Prince Imperial had charged him to take to the 
Emperor certain photographs of Hastings (we already 
know the use that M. Regnier had made of them), and 
he went off in all haste to acquit himself of this mission 
to his captive Sovereign. He disappeared in a peal of 
laughter. 

It was not, however, the only comic episode occasioned 
by this lamentable capitulation. It is well known that the 
whole of France at this time was transported with anger 
against Bazaine, who had been so popular only two 
months before and whose name was now a byword of 
scornful insult. The Government of Tours, who had been 
kept informed of the state of things in Metz by Bourbaki, 
by the brother of the marshal, and lastly, as we have seen, 
by the Empress Eugenie herself, after having made a 
pretense of believing that Metz could offer indefinite 
resistance, now feigned a generous indignation at the news 
of its fall. 

In the absence of Gambetta they pushed this lugubrious 
comedy so far as to institute a court of inquiry into the 
causes of the capitulation of Metz. Gambetta saw the 
danger and sent them this crushing telegram, which it is 
well to remember: 

''December 25, 2.45 p. m.. No. 5,183. Gambetta to 

230 



Bazaine's Trial 



Cremieux, Freycinet, Laurier. — ^Who has formed a council 
of inquiry to try Bazaine? There is nothing to inquire 
about. I have not been consulted. I absolutely object 
and desire you to stop everything. Reply immediately." 

There was no longer any question of Inquiry up to the 
moment of the court-martial (more political than military, 
alas!) at Trianon. This trial took place after the peace 
and in times of comparative tranquillity, and the judg- 
ment was delivered by men whom one had every reason to 
believe sincere. Bismarck had declared to M. Regnier, if 
one can believe that person's notes, that on one day only, 
August 26, from nine o'clock to noon, the marshal might 
have had some chance of breaking through. I do not 
know what value can be attached to these words, and even 
if they were true I am quite incompetent to pronounce 
whether a besieged general who has thus missed a chance 
of escape deserves to be shot; but it does not seem to me 
that an army chief in Bazaine's circumstances is guilty of 
high treason because he has inquired from the besiegers 
what terms would be accorded him in the case of surrender 
and by what means he might avoid capitulation. 

The Prussians having let him know that the political 
and military questions were inextricably mixed, and that 
the only way of avoiding capitulation was the signing of 
peace, the Marshal referred the matter to the authority 
which had appointed him, the only authority known to 
him; in doing so he was, strictly and absolutely, fulfilling 
his duty. 

As for the Empress, after the fall of Metz, she took no 
further part in any events relating to the war. 

In the month of January, 1871, in a letter to one of her 
friends, which I have had the privilege of seeing, she said: 

231 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"May God give victory to the Army of the Vosges and I 
shall be consoled for all our misfortunes." 

This was her last word, and it was her real thought.* 

^ There were still negotiations with the Prussian Government; they continued 
all through the winter, even after the signing of the treaty of Frankfort. Much more 
important personalities than those who had played a part in the correspondence 
of the Empress with King William were mixed up with these negotiations. 

I find described in my diary at the time my profound astonishment at these pro- 
ceedings. 

How could one hope to treat advantageously with Bismarck when we had no guar- 
antees to offer.? 

Whilst the enemy might have considered an arrangement with the Imperial Gov- 
ernment when the army of Bazaine was still in being, and one could still 
believe in the loyalty of the troops taken prisoner at Sedan, such an idea was out 
of the question after the convening of the National Assembly, after the vote 
of deposition, after all the available regular forces had been concentrated under 
the hand of M. Thiers and after the ratifications of the treaty had been ex- 
changed. 

The negotiations which I am now mentioning could not have come to any- 
thing. 

I have not spoken of them, for the Empress — I am glad to say — took no part in them, 
and I am convinced that she disapproved of them. 



232 



CHAPTER XI 

LIFE AT CHISLEHURST 

NO sooner had the Empress arrived at Hastings than 
kind messages came from all sides putting various 
charming residences at her disposal. One offer 
came from Mr. Nathaniel Strode, a name quite unknown 
to the Empress. He offered, for the very modest rent of 
six thousand francs per annum a large and commodious 
house, its proximity to London making it very convenient 
for rapid communication either with London or the 
Continent. 

Madame Lebreton and Commander Duperre went to 
look at it and reported favorably. Mr. Strode's offer, 
therefore, was accepted, and a few days later the small 
exiled Court settled down at Camden Place. 

Camden Place was a large house of no particular archi- 
tectural style, built of red bricks which time had mellowed 
to a reddish brown. It was no older than the early part 
of the nineteenth century. A short time after it was built 
a crime had been committed In the very room which the 
Empress was about to occupy — a mysterious crime, of 
which the causes and even the circumstances had never 
been fully explained. The master of the house had been 
murdered by his servant; It was thought at the Instigation 
of the victim's son. But we did not know these details till 
long afterwards. 

This house replaced a much older building where 
Camden, the celebrated antiquarian of the time of James 
I, had lived, and left his name as a legacy to the house. 

233 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Two enormous cedars, whose branches waved and 
rustled close to the house, and which were said to have 
been planted by the historian, often kept me awake on 
stormy nights. There was, also, a little edifice hidden in a 
clump of trees, a hundred yards from the house, which was 
thought to date from Camden's day. This was an exact 
copy of the "lantern of Demosthenes" which adorns the 
summit of a tower in the park of Saint Cloud. In conse- 
quence of the accumulation of animal and vegetable rub- 
bish, which has gradually raised the ground around it, the 
edifice, originally erected level with the ground at the 
beginning of the seventeenth century, is to-day buried in 
a kind of pit. 

The house has seven windows in the front. The style 
is most simple, and there are no ornamental features except 
a big clock, whose gilded hands move over a light-colored 
dial. Over it is the motto : Malo mori quam fcedari. 

Two annexes have been added to the main building, 
with which a wing on the right, containing the usual de- 
pendencies, makes a right angle. The whole effect, 
although somewhat irregular, is pleasing. 

On entering the house one found oneself in a large 
corridor facing a big hall where the light falls from a 
skylight. On the walls of the hall and along those of 
the corridor were pictures, busts and cabinets of ebony or 
tortoise-shell, inlaid with mother-of-pearl, brass, and 
copper; behind the glass doors of these cabinets were 
arrayed a vast and heterogeneous collection of objects of 
very unequal value. At the end of the hall was a huge 
beveled mirror with a carved and pierced frame. To the 
right a big gilded timepiece sonorously ticked out the 
seconds. On the face of this timepiece, which must have 
dated from the first years of the eighteenth century, to the 

234 




CAMDEN HOUSE, CHISLEHURST 
First Residence in England of Napoleon III and the Empress Eugenie 




FARNBOROUGH HILL 

Later Home of the Empress 



Camden Place 



astonishment of everyone but myself, my own name could 
be clearly read. I was able to explain that the timepiece 
must be the work of my grandfather's grandfather, for my 
humble ancestors have followed the trade of clockmaker 
from father to son up to the beginning of the nineteenth 
century. 

The Empress adopted the custom of having tea served 
in the hall, and it was here that we awaited the evening 
papers, which contained the afternoon telegrams, and we 
discust with some excitement the chances of the war. 

When we had forgotten the flight of time in our talk 
the Empress would be suddenly recalled to the hour 
by the slow and ponderous striking of the old clock. 
"Ah! mon Dieu, what says Grandpapa?" she would 
exclaim, and she would run away to dress. The corridor 
extended the whole length of the house, going from the 
dining-room to a big bay window which opened on the 
garden. A long carpet of red and green squares stretched 
from one end to the other. On this carpet we were to 
walk up and down for years, adding the waste of our steps 
to that of our thoughts and words as we passed and re- 
passed a bust of Machiavelli, whose vicious and ape-like 
face, with its sharp smile, seemed to mock both our plans 
and our dreams. 

One day at Farnborough, whilst we were walking 
down one of the galleries, the Empress stopt, and 
showing me the carpet on which we stood, said: "Do you 
recognize this.f* It is the old Camden Place carpet. I 
made a point of bringing it here. Ah! how many thou- 
sands of miles have we walked on this poor carpet which 
have led us nowhere! Our impatient restlessness has 
worn it out!" 

At one end of the corridor was the big staircase, at the 

235 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

other were two drawing-rooms, ending in a kind of cir- 
cular hall, which looked out upon grassy slopes. The 
walls and the ceiling were covered with gilding and mytho- 
logical pictures somewhat crudely painted. The fireplace, 
of colored china, also had a peculiar appearance. I 
remember Duperre's first comment on that room: 
"Fine place, this! . . . It looks like a cafe!" 

The Empress rarely used these two rooms. We never 
had the fire lit in the china fireplace until after the arrival 
of the Emperor. It was apparently not intended 
for such a use, for on that occasion it almost flew in 
pieces. 

On the other hand, the dining-room was large and 
handsome, lighted by immense windows and paneled from 
top to bottom. These panels, which were all different 
and composed of the most delicate work, originally came 
from the Chateau of the Nicolai, at Bercy. 

Mr. Strode, who possest ancestors of whom he was 
proud, had had their portraits hung in this room. 
Amongst these powdered officers and smiling dowagers 
stood out the vigorous countenance of that Strode who was 
one of the proudest spirits among the Roundheads and one 
of the five members whom Charles I went in person to 
arrest on the Parliamentary benches. 

There were three other reception rooms on the ground 
floor. Two of these were entirely hung with Gobelins 
tapestry. One of them became the smoking-room, and 
the other was reserved for the Prince's study. 

The Empress occupied a long, vast room on the first 

floor which corresponded with the large drawing-room on 

the ground floor. To this room was attached a pretty 

little octagon-shaped study which she arranged according 

to her own taste, and which gradually acquired the im- 

236 



Days at Chislehurst 



press of her personality. I remember that I once got an 
upholsterer to cover with blue velvet the shelves of a little 
glass-fronted cabinet, in which she arranged carefully the 
few precious souvenirs that remained to her In the dep- 
rivations of the early days of exile. 

On her anniversary day, November 15, we gave her a 
screen formed of gilded trellis-work, over which climbed 
growing Ivy, and she was moved to tears by this humble 
present which recalled to her one of her favorite posses- 
sions of bygone days. 

On her writing-table a crowd of little miniatures In 
open frames looked upon her whilst she wrote. 

This room was the only one in which she made any 
change. In all other respects Camden Place remained 
as It was. It was meant only as a temporary home, but 
she remained In It more than ten years. 

Madame Lebreton's room was separated from that of 
the Empress only by a little ante-chamber. The Prince 
took one of the front rooms, and the rest of us took up 
our quarters where we liked. 

The Park was not very large, but it contained some 
wild corners and charming views. There were all kinds 
of outbuildings: houses for the gardeners, lodges for the 
gate-keepers, greenhouses, kennels, dove-cots, and the big 
square building containing the stables, which seemed to 
be of an earlier date than the rest of the house. 

For such a home the rent of 6,000 francs was ridiculous. 
One was tempted to ask oneself why Mr. Strode, 
a financier by profession, a man who apparently knew 
the value of money, had made such a bad bargain. 

Many people thought that Mr. Strode was not the 
actual owner, and that his name covered a more Illustrious 
one. It was said that the Emperor Napoleon III had 

237 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

been for many years the real owner of Camden Place, and 
had retained it as a possible refuge in case of trouble. 

There was no truth in the rumor, but it is probable 
that Mr. Strode was known to the Emperor and his 
entourage long before the Fourth of September, for I 
found in an empty cabinet a portrait of M. Mocquart, 
which had evidently been given to the owner of Camden 
Place by the Emperor's late secretary. Perhaps these 
relations dated from before the Empire. These points 
have never been cleared up. 

What is certain is that Mr. Strode had intended to live 
at Camden Place whilst the Empress resided there, and 
to act as host. We had therefore his company, as well as 
that of his friend and agent, a certain Mr. Fodor, in the 
house and at table, from morning till night. 

Some days after our arrival Mr. Fodor was killed in a 
carriage accident on the road to Eltham. As for Mr. 
Strode, who was indeed a very amiable and excellent 
fellow, a hint was given to him that, however well meaning 
his hospitality might be, his continual presence was a little 
trying in our sad circumstances. He took the hint in good 
part, and after that we saw him only on Sundays. 

From the very first day of our arrival a small colony 
grew up round the Empress. Dr. Conneau had joined us, 
bringing with him his son Louis, the faithful friend of the 
Prince, who came, at Chislehurst as at the Tuileries, to 
join in his studies and his games. Mademoiselle de 
Larminat again took up her post as Maid of Honor. 
The Aguados settled in a house called "Old Borough," on 
the other side of the Common. Comte Clary rented "Oak 
Lodge," just outside the Park, for his wife; the Due de 
Bassano, the Comtesse Davillier and her daughter, Made- 
leine, established themselves in neighboring houses. 

238 



Arrival of the Emperor 



Apartments were arranged in the group of stable buildings 
for Madame de Saulcy and her daughter Jacqueline. M. 
de Saulcy remained in Paris, and joined them after the 
siege was raised. 

The Duchesse de Mouchy, her brother Prince Achille 
and the Princess Salome remained in London. The 
Duchesse de Talleyrand, the Duchesse de Tarente, the 
Jerome Davids, the Comte de Bouville and Clement 
Duvernois were also in the metropolis. The Rouher 
family had settled at Richmond, as had MM. Albert and 
Leon Chevreau. Thus there was a continual coming and 
going of visitors at Camden Place, which gave it, if not 
an appearance of gaiety — which would have been out of 
place — at least an appearance of animation. 

On March 20, 1871, the Emperor arrived at Chisle- 
hurst, bringing with him Comte Davillier, Baron Corvisart 
and M. Frances chini Pietri, all of whom remained with 
him to the end. 

From this time a voluntary service of aides-de-camp 
and chamberlains organized itself round his person, and 
the comings and goings became more numerous and more 
frequent. 

It would be impossible for me to name the visitors who 
succeeded each other without interruption during the 
years 1871 and 1872; the list would more than fill up this 
book. The visitors were the survivors of the Imperialist 
political group, two or three absent turn-coats excepted; 
and there were many great names belonging to the two 
nobilities ; ^ there were also artists, writers, and a veritable 
swarm of journalists. 

The English showed great sympathy towards their old 

^ The old nobility had its titles from the Bourbons; the new nobility from the Na- 
poleons (Translator's Note). 

239 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

ally. He had been loudly cheered at Dover as soon as 
he set foot on English soil, and he was cheered again in 
•London when he attended the thanksgiving service for 
recovery of the Prince of Wales, whose life had been 
despaired of. 

Government circles, however, stood somewhat aloof, 
and Mr. Gladstone waited a long time before he paid his 
first visit to Camden Place. 

The aristocracy, who had not the same need for cau- 
tion, showed nevertheless but little sympathy with the 
exiles in spite of the example given them by the Queen, 
who in this case, as in all others, displayed what I can best 
describe as her moral stedfastness. Under the Empire 
she had treated the Orleans Princes with all the considera- 
tion which was due to them, and far from hiding this from 
Napoleon III, she had very frankly pleaded their cause 
with him. In just the same way, after the fall of the 
Empire she did not change, either in her sentiments 
toward the exiles, or in the exterior respect which she 
showed them. Her first visit to Camden Place was in the 
spring of 1 871. 

The Emperor himself drew up a note telling of this 
visit, which I was ordered to send "after revising and 
correcting it'^ (for in his idea it was only a rough draft) 
to our friends of the Press. 

I have kept the text of this note, which is very diffi- 
cult to decipher for those who are not familiar with the 
writing, which was nearly as irregular and badly formed 
as that of the Founder of the Dynasty. 

In this note the Emperor first gave an idea of the 
house, the country in which it was situated, and of the 
profound peace which ordinarily reigned there. He 
continued : 

240 



Queen Victoria's Visit 



"Last Saturday the locality we have described had 
changed its aspect. The Queen came to pay a visit to 
Camden Place. The entire space between the station 
and the park gates was filled with a multitude of carriages 
and pedestrians, drawn thither by the wish to acclaim their 
Sovereign. At 4 o'clock the train entered the station of 
Chislehurst. The Queen, Prince Leopold and Princess 
Beatrice got into their carriage harnessed with four gray 
horses, and drove to Camden Place. In another carriage 
were Lady Ely and Lady Waterpark. Lord Alfred Paget 
on horseback escorted the Queen's carriage. 

"When she arrived at the entrance of the house the 
Queen was received by the Emperor, the Empress and the 
Prince Imperial, and according to custom she embraced 
her august hosts warmly. The Emperor and the Prince 
respectfully kissed the Queen's hand. 

"After having remained half an hour in conversation, 
the Queen was shown Into the first drawing-room, where 
she addrest a few words to those who lived at Camden 
Place with the Emperor, and she then departed in the 
same order in which she had come. 

"One must say that the attitude of the crowd, many of 
whom had come from a great distance to see the Queen, 
made it plain that not only did they wish to show their 
respect for their Sovereign, but also that they approved 
the action of the Queen, who, although only lately re- 
turned from a long journey, had not hesitated to make 
this effort to come and give actual proof of her sympathy 
with the exiles of Camden Place." 

This was the first of a long series of Royal visits, first 
to Camden Place and, later, to Farnborough. 

The friendship of Queen Victoria and the Empress 
Eugenie was to last another thirty years without any 

241 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

cloud coming to cast a shadow over it. They were very 
different in character and habits, and time rendered the 
contrast more striking. The Queen was hard-working 
and methodical, desirous of housing facts in her brain 
and marshaling them in good order; the Empress was im- 
pulsive like all her race, but incapable of continuing any 
regular routine, quick to perceive a truth which might 
have escaped better-trained eyes, yet losing sight of it 
again after much reflection and discussion: the one woman 
was very reserved, the other was very imprudent, but both 
were incapable of deceit; they had reached the age when 
one esteems sincerity above everything. 

Lord Sydney lived for a part of the year at Frognal, 
two miles from Chislehurst. In his position as Lord Lieu- 
tenant of Kent, he felt himself bound to extend some 
measure of hospitality to the Imperial family. 

He and Lady Sydney often came to Camden Place. 
We also saw there Lord Buckhurst, afterwards Earl de 
la Warr, an excellent man, chiefly known by his efforts in 
philanthropic legislation; Lord George Cavendish, who 
also lived at Chislehurst; and Lord Frederick Cavendish, 
that noble and unfortunate young man who was murdered 
by scoundrels in Dublin on the very day when, full of the 
most generous intentions, he was coming to take up his 
post as Chief Secretary for Ireland; Lord Henry Lennox, 
one of the last of the "dandies," whom it was the whim 
of Disraeli to make into a statesman; old Earl Russell, 
the sometime hero of the Reform Bill of 1832, who had 
by now lost all influence or even connection with his old 
party. 

I had the honor of receiving on their first visit to Cam- 
den Place, Dr. Tait, the Primate of England, and Mrs. 
Tait. Among journalists, the owner of the Morning 

242 



Welcome and Unwelcome Visitors 

Post, Mr. Borthwick, afterwards raised to the peerage 
under the name of Lord Glenesk, was one of our most 
frequent visitors. We also often saw a writer of quite a 
different type, the principal editor of Lloyd's News, 
Blanchard Jerrold, who has since written a life of Na- 
poleon III in four volumes. 

No English lady was more welcome than Madame 
d'Arcos and her sister, Miss Minnie Vaughan. Madame 
d'Arcos, who belonged by birth to one of the oldest 
Catholic families in England, had married Domingo 
d'Arcos, a friend of the Empress from childhood. The 
Empress treated Madame d'Arcos as a trusted friend, and 
her devotion, her reliable and charming character, ren- 
dered her worthy of this affection, and the passage of 
years only strengthened their friendship. It was never 
closer than at the moment when it was interrupted by 
death. 

In addition to all these visitors, both French and 
English, who came, led by loyalty or sympathy, there were 
others whom we had great difficulty in keeping away. 

There exists a special race of adventurers and in- 
triguers, male and female, who rise to the surface, no one 
knows from what depths, in the wake of revolutions, and 
who besiege the homes of exiled Princes in order to trade 
on their hopes, their memories, their patriotism, and even 
their most generous feelings. 

A writer of the lowest class, yet not without talent, 
who claimed to have cried "Long live the Emperor" on 
the Fourth of September at the door of the Tuileries, came 
to offer us, or rather to force upon us, his services, and con- 
stituted himself the champion of Imperialism abroad. The 
whole thing finished with a disgusting attempt at black- 
mail, which was received with the scorn it merited; but 

243 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

the Government of M. Thiers received the renegade and 
bought his "secrets" at a price greatly beyond their value. 

The sweepings of the old secret police, the men who had 
made their living out of political plots as genuine as the 
romances of Gaboriau or Ponson du Terrail, continued to 
weave around us dark and childish intrigues. Which were 
faithful.^ Which were traitors? I really could not tell. 

Some of the Communists tried to enter into relations 
with us, asserting that they had entered into the Com- 
munist movement only to serve the cause of an Imperial 
Restoration, but they received no encouragement. 

To this period belongs the fictitious jewel robbery. 
Many people living in different parts of France (among 
the number were some who occupied positions of political 
importance) had received letters from an unknown cor- 
respondent who stated that on the eve of the Fourth of 
September he had been charged by the Empress to take 
into Spain, and place in the hands of the Comtesse de 
Montijo, jewels to the value of several millions. 

After the Revolution, the messenger, fearing detection, 
had buried a part of this treasure near X (here followed 
the name of some locality which was different in each 
letter). Then, on his arrival in Madrid empty-handed, he 
had been arrested for some petty debt. Upon receiving 
the small sum necessary to liberate him, he was ready to 
return to France to dig up the jewels, which he offered to 
share with his correspondent. As proofs of his good faith 
he added to these communications various documents, a 
plan of the locality, a list of the precious objects, with a 
forged signature of the Due de Bassano and a stamp of 
the Imperial Chancellor's office; lastly a letter purporting 
to have been sent by the Empress to her mother, written 
in terms which were absolutely vulgar and grotesque. 

244 



"Treasure in Spain" 

This fraud, impudent and coarse though it was, de- 
ceived quite a number of people. 

We received innumerable letters on the subject. The 
majority of our correspondents put themselves absolutely 
at the disposal of the Empress to help her to recover her 
own; others, in mysterious tones, gave her to understand 
that they were ready to enter into negotiations for reveal- 
ing this important secret. 

More than one person made the journey to Chislehurst 
with this end in view. In the meanwhile, the authors of 
this swindle (who were, actually, in prison in Madrid) were 
enjoying a fine time with their dupes' money, which had 
apparently reached them without the least difficulty. 

The correspondence relative to the stolen jewels took 
up an enormous amount of my time. I also received, 
with prepaid stamps for my reply, letters from some 
enterprising Yankee, who proposed to "show" the 
Emperor round the principal towns of America; he offered 
a big sum down, all expenses paid in the best hotels, and 
a good commission was promised me if I brought off the 
affair! 

A minister of some dissenting body invited the Em- 
peror to attend an evening discourse, where he proposed 
to prove out of the Bible that he (Napoleon III) was 
identical with the Antichrist mentioned in the New 
Testament. 

The Emperor sent me to this meeting, which was held 
in a dirty music-hall in Westbourne Grove. On my return 
he listened, half saddened, half amused by the recital of 
the follies I had heard. 

Under the Empire it often happened that individuals 
who had lost their reason would present themselves at the 
Tuileries to speak to the Emperor or the Empress. The 

245 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"lunatics of the guichet de FEchelle^^'^ always consti- 
tuted an indispensable item in the "latest news" corner 
of the Paris papers. 

The demented souls did not abandon us in exile, and 
they bombarded us with their letters. Two of them were 
particularly persistent; these were "the son of the Em- 
press and the Comte de Chambord" and "Marie-Jeanne- 
des-peuples." The person who took the latter name 
was a young woman of a very distinguished and honor- 
able family, and although insane was apparently not under 
control. She declared that from her and the Em- 
peror would be born the savior of France! As to the 
other lunatic, who must have written alternately to Frohs- 
dorf 2 and to Chislehurst, he mingled his heartbroken and 
delirious appeals with political considerations of the most 
comical kind concerning the immense advantage of com- 
bining in his person the authority of the plebiscite and the 
prestige of the legitimate Bourbons. At the same time 
he referred in the most delicate and feeling terms to the 
person and the situation of the Prince Imperial, his "half- 
brother" (!), and he gave hints full of vague promises 
of which a diplomat might have envied the prudence and 
cleverness.^ 

The Emperor worked in a tiny study on the first floor, 

^ One of the entrances to the Tuileries. See also p. 144 (Translator's Note). 

2 The residence of the Comte de Chambord (Translator's Note). 

3 The Emperor and Empress used to give me these letters, of which I had made 
a curious collection. The voluminous packet which bore the inscription, "Letters 
of maniacs, male and female," was for a long time in my house locked up 
in a cupboard. It disappeared at a time when illness prevented my look- 
ing after my papers. Perhaps it will re-appear some day, brought to light by some 
pseudo-scholar who will think he has made an historical discovery. A Dumas of 
the twenty-second century will put into romance the sufferings and adven- 
tures of the son of the Comte de Chambord and the Empress Eugenie, just as the 
Dumas of the nineteenth has already related those of the brother of Louis 
XIV. 

246 



MSS. of Napoleon III 



close to his bedroom, where there was little room for any- 
thing besides his desk and his armchair. On the wall in 
front of him was a trophy formed entirely of arms: rifles 
of many different makes, some of them very curiously 
wrought. On his left was an enormous cupboard in which 
he kept his most precious papers. 

At the bottom of this cupboard were laid enormous 
folios containing all the letters of his youth and the un- 
published correspondence of various members of the 
Imperial family; lastly, a big volume bound in red which 
contained — and still contains — the memoirs, also unpub- 
lished of Queen Hortense. 

When M. Franceschini Pietri was absent, the Emperor 
employed Count Davillier, Count Clary, and myself to 
copy the pages of a memoir on the military operations of 
1870, and to correct the proofs when they came back from 
the printer. He allowed me to submit alterations to him, 
and I have never had a pupil or student during my career 
as a teacher who accepted with more simplicity, good feel- 
ing, and gratitude the corrections which I proposed, than 
did the Imperial author of the "Life of Caesar." I was 
almost taken aback by his promptitude in approving my 
suggestions. 

On one point, however, he never gave way; he would 
never fix responsibilities on others. One day I took the 
liberty of pointing out to him the contrast between the 
perfect clearness of his oral explanations and the obscurity 
of his writing. He replied with a sad smile: "It is be- 
cause I wish to justify myself without accusing others" 
— a difficult task, even impossible, as he came gradually 
to find out. 

I long possest a sheet of paper, the sight of which 
moved me strangely, written in the Emperor's hand, 

247 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

mangled and cut up by a hundred erasures. It was a 
page in which he described the battle of Sedan, and it 
carried the marks of those generous scruples which had 
agitated his soul whilst writing the account. This page 
unfortunately disappeared from my papers in some un- 
accountable way. 

The Emperor also busied himself with the invention 
of a new mortar, which was to have been another big 
improvement after the mitrailleuse, but at the time of his 
death the invention had not got beyond the first stages. 

He installed a turning-lathe in front of one of the 
windows in the billiard-room, and he often set it working 
to replace by this exercise his "constitutional" walk 
when the weather was unfavorable. I have two egg-cups 
that were turned by the Emperor at this time, which are 
very gracefully fluted.^ 

The Empress was wont to make her first appearance 
at luncheon. By this time she had usually received a 
heap of letters, and glanced through a dozen newspapers, 
English or French. 

It was she who kept us posted up in the news which 
she discust with the one or two visitors who had arrived 
from the Continent either the night before or the same 
morning. 

The Emperor, no less reserved at Camden Place than 
at the Tuileries, put in a word here and there, and kept 
politics out of the discussion when he thought it desirable 
to do so. The afternoon was the time devoted to audi- 
ences. The Emperor usually gave them whilst smoking 
his cigar, or walking up and down the corridor with slow 

^ It was not the first time that Napoleon III essayed the work of a turner. 
At Saint Cloud in the drawing-room, through which one passed from the dining- 
room into the garden, there was a chair which he had made entirely 
himself. 

248 




Photo: W. &° D. Downey 

NAPOLEON III AND THE PRINCE IMPERIAL IN 1871 
Photographed soon after arrival in England 



Recreations of the Prince Imperial 

and rhythmical steps, and that swaying motion from right 
to left which illness and age were making more languid 
and heavy. 

The Prince went out as in France, from two to four, 
often on horseback with his aide-de-camp and Louis 
Conneau; with him sometimes went his two cousins^ and 
the faithful DemoUiens, the groom, who, under the orders 
of old Bachon, had from the earliest days supervised the 
Prince's education in riding, acted as escort. 

The horse ride was sometimes replaced by an excur- 
sion to various places of interest. I remember a visit to 
the Tower of London in company with Princess Metter- 
nich and the Duchesse de Mouchy, and a delightful day 
at Knole, near Sevenoaks, where, among many curious 
souvenirs, there are so many beautiful works of art. It 
was there that the Prince first became acquainted with the 
work of Reynolds and Gainsborough. 

Lord Sydney took him to Westminster, acting as 
cicerone; and it was the Speaker himself — Mr. Brand, if 
I recollect rightly — who explained to him the customs of 
Parliament. 

By the Queen's invitation he was present at a review 
near Hampton Court. 

Another day he went to a rural fete at Farningham, 
where there is an agricultural colony something like our 
Mettray; there he said a few words expressing his interest 
— it was his first speech in English. Thus, little by little, 
he was initiated into English life, and he entered into 
relations with all classes. 

The Empress also would sometimes make excursions 
near or far during the afternoon. I accompanied her on 
an interesting visit to the prison at Woking, where she had 

^The nieces of the Empress, already mentioned (Translator's Note). 

249 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

as guide Colonel Du Cane, Inspector-General of this 
service. She was recognized there by an unhappy French- 
man, an old soldier of our army in Italy, who was ex- 
piating, by I know not how many years of prison, the 
crime of having taken a pair of boots from outside the door 
of a room in an hotel! The Empress obtained the man's 
pardon. 

Another day I went with her to the Jesuit church in 
Farm Street. Whilst she was in the confessional someone 
began to improvise on the organ, and I was told that it was 
Gounod. This incident imprest me greatly, so much so 
that I used it later in one of my novels. 

At five o'clock tea was served, at first in the hall, and 
later in the little drawing-room. We often forgot the time 
and talked on, sometimes until close on 7 o'clock (the 
dinner hour), and then everyone fled in haste to dress as 
the gong in the corridor announced the first summons to 
dinner. 

Dinner over, the men went into the smoking-room, and 
from there to billiards. The ladies settled themselves 
round the table in the large drawing-room. The Comtesse 
Clary, Madame Lebreton and Mademoiselle de Larminat 
used to busy themselves with needlework. Dr. Conneau 
and the Due de Bassano played patience. Very often the 
Emperor would do the same. Or else he would sit and 
muse in a big armchair near the porcelain fireplace, 
wrapt in a cloud of cigaret smoke. 

When no stranger was present and there was no im- 
portant topic to discuss we talked little, and the silence 
was broken only by the patience players, who mutually 
accused each other of dodging. 

From the billiard-room came the sound of the ivory 
balls furiously clashing against each other. "There," said 

250 



The Empress's Curtsey 



the Emperor, "that must be Corvisart making a cannon!" 
Or else a hint of some refrain, or a scrap of Offenbach 
floated in from the hall, where the young people were 
grouped around the grand piano. At half-past nine the 
Prince went to bed, and I said "Good-night" to him after 
being present at his prayers. 

At eleven o'clock the Empress rose and from the door- 
way, as of old at the Tuileries, she acknowledged by a 
curtsey our profound obeisances. 

This curtsey she performed with supreme elegance; 
and this exquisite curtsey, of which she had made a work 
of art, charmed our eyes at Farnborough as well as at 
Chislehurst up to the day when age and its infirmities in- 
tervened. It was the last and only vestige of Imperial 
etiquet which the Empress retained in her exile. 

It makes me smile to find myself — having known so 
many sad misfortunes and sorrows — mourning over the 
Empress's curtsey! Yet that curtsey meant so much! It 
was the symbol of so many vanished graces and 
splendors ! 

The Emperor and Empress never went out in the 
evening. The Prince often went to the theater. We went 
with him to hear Patti at Covent Garden and Nilsson at 
Drury Lane; we also saw Irving and Miss Bateman in 
Charles /, which was one of the illustrious actor's great- 
est successes. 

On Sundays the order of the day was a little different. 
The Emperor and Empress went on foot to the Church 
of St. Mary to hear high Mass, and returned in the same 
manner across the common. This afforded the French in 
London a chance to see the exiles, and they would gather 
in groups on the road to salute them. The Catholic priest 
was an Irishman named Father O'Connor, an excellent 

251 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

man, with rather brusque manners. He was soon changed 
for another priest who spoke French very well, having 
been in the seminary at St. Sulpice. Father Goddard, 
who was made Prelate of the Chamber by Pius IX, and 
confirmed in that position by Leo XIII, whilst still re- 
taining his parish of Chislehurst, used to come to lunch 
at Camden Place after Mass. 

After lunch the dining-room was transformed into a 
fencing gallery, and the worthy fencing master, Bertrand, 
would arrive from London to preside over the meeting, 
where I have seen at practice swordsmen of great repute, 
such as Bartholony and Fery d'Escland. The 3 o'clock 
train brought a veritable crowd of friends, and the rooms 
soon became full. One day Madame Nilsson sang in the 
hall throughout the afternoon; another time Sullivan, in- 
troduced by Madame Conneau, improvised for hours on 
the piano. Patti came also, but as the Marquise de Caux, 
and her voice was never heard at Camden Place. When 
the weather was fine tea was served on the lawn; brightly 
drest ladies rustled their skirts gracefully over the grass, 
parasols waved, and the sound of feminine voices rose like 
the chattering of an aviary across the branches of the old 
cedar planted by Camden. 

Such was life at Chislehurst, and, as in all other groups 
of human beings that are brought together by circum- 
stances rather than choice, there were amongst them 
divergencies of thought, rivalries, and antipathies which 
beneath the outwardly calm surface produced whirlpools 
and eddies. There were some who could not understand 
one another, and others, perhaps, whose hearts were too 
well attuned for their own comfort and happiness. But 
these things are not for the world's ear, and I sometimes 
take a strange and melancholy pleasure in musing over 

252 



Hours of Perfect Understanding 

many secrets which will die with me. It is, however, my 
duty to say that during those last hours of married life 
perfect sympathy and understanding existed between the 
Emperor and Empress. 

I have said that after the revolution of September she 
gave him back her old aifection; I will now justify this as- 
sertion. When the Empress knew the details concerning 
the fatal first of September, when she knew the real truth 
about the man branded by his enemies as "the coward of 
Sedan," she forgot all that she had felt and said in the wild 
excitement of the first shock. She forgot it all as com- 
pletely as a man forgets what he has said or done in a con- 
dition of madness or intoxication. One of the witnesses of 
these painful scenes remembered them, and the Empress 
was profoundly astonished and deeply grieved. It hap- 
pened thus. Admiral Jurien wished to give to the readers 
of the Revue des Deux Mondes an account of the hap- 
penings of that terrible month during which the Empress 
had been in some manner confided to his care. His inten- 
tion was to bring out, careless of injury to anyone soever, 
the fine traits of that character which he admired so pro- 
foundly; her courage, her self-abnegation, and her patriot- 
ism. But in these loyally meant revelations he had made 
some imprudent or premature disclosures, and passed eu- 
logies which could not but be maliciously misinterpreted 
by the special public for whom the article was intended. 

The Admiral sent his manuscript to the Empress at 
Camden Place to assure himself that he had not exceeded 
the limit which seemed to her discreet. She studied the 
manuscript and made various observations, which she 
asked me to put in writing and transmit to the Admiral 
with an explanatory letter. I have kept the rough copy 
of this letter, and I find in it this significant passage: "If 

253 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

among these observations there is one that above all others 
touches Her Majesty's heart, it is that which concerns the 
Emperor and the feelings which she has never ceased to 
entertain for him. The thought that your account repre- 
sents her as having imagined for one instant that the 
Emperor was unworthy of her fills the Empress with 
sorrow. She would prefer the most cruel insults of her 
enemies to such an appreciation from a friend." At the 
bottom of her heart perhaps she reproached herself for 
having doubted the Emperor for a moment, and set off this 
wrong she had done him against his own offenses towards 
her. 

In the autumn of 1 870, accompanied by only one 
person, and with the utmost secrecy, she went to Wilhelms- 
hohe and remained only a few hours with the prisoner. 
Some days after her return she said to me, "No one really 
knows the Emperor. They fancy that he is impervious 
to all emotions because his manner is cold and reserved. 
They do not know him. . . . When I arrived he received 
me quite calmly and maintained absolute self-control so 
long as strangers were present, but when we were 
alone! . . ." She said no more, but her tone let me 
imagine the loving embrace with which he had retaken 
possession of her heart, the last treasure and the only 
Empire that were left to him. 

One evening at Farnborough many years after we were 
sitting round the table where the Empress usually sat 
after dinner. She happened to come across, and she read 
aloud to us, a certain article in a newspaper which men- 
tioned the profound affection that the Emperor had never 
ceased to feel for her. Her eyes filled with tears and her 
voice shook. She could not continue, and she passed the 
paper to my wife to finish reading the article. 

254 



A Painful Anniversary 



We felt that night that, in spite of the Emperor's moral 
weaknesses from which she had suffered so much, she 
knew that he had really loved her, and that the recollec- 
tion of that love, which had brought her such vicissitudes 
of destiny, was now unmixed with bitterness. 

I was staying with my relatives in the summer of 1871 
when September brought the painful anniversary. The 
morning of the 4th brought me a letter from the Empress 
which began thus : 

"I would not like this sad anniversary to pass without 
recalling to your remembrance, my dear Monsieur Filon, 
the hours of anguish and grief that you have shared with 
me last year. You have, by a devotion proof against all 
trials, softened many things, and I want to-day to thank 
you for it. The hours which have still to drag out their 
length before to-morrow's dawn will wake in me as an 
echo a pain now more or less allayed, but a sorrow ever 
present. All seems to come back and to live again. I 
long now — as I did then — for to-morrow to be here; 
better still, for forgetfulness, without which there can be 
no forgiveness. So long as memory brings back one's 
past feelings, one derives no comfort from the passage of 
time. I leave to-morrow; will my thoughts change with 
my surroundings.'*" 

I have quoted this letter to show with what kindly 
attentions she recognized and encouraged the devotion of 
those around her. Shortly after writing this letter she 
went to Spain, whilst the Emperor took a holiday at 
Torquay, on the coast of Devon. 

I came back to Camden Place when he returned there 
with his son. I found the Emperor very busy reconstitut- 
ing the Empress's library, which had disappeared when the 

2S5 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Tuileries was burnt down; he wanted this newHbrary to 
be a surprize for her on her return. 

We helped him compile the catalog, and he arranged 
the books, of which the bindings were exactly similar to 
the old ones and bore the "E" surmounted by a crown, 
stamped with the die which had been luckily rediscovered 
at Fontaine's shop in the Passage des Panoramas. The 
new books were all put into elegant glass-fronted book- 
cases, which, placed at a convenient height, adorned the 
large drawing-room. 

The Empress returned from Spain In December, and 
life at Camden Place was resumed on the lines I have 
described. The Prince during the whole of this year 
1871-1872 studied at King's College, London, with his 
friend Conneau ; this necessitated his going to town almost 
every day. 

In the summer of 1872 the Empress went north. She 
took her son to Scotland and then returned to join the 
Emperor at Brighton. There they were so much bothered 
by the curiosity of the crowd that they were glad to take 
refuge at Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, where they found 
some kind of privacy. 

After spending a few days in an hotel the little exiled 
Court took up its quarters In two houses situated almost at 
the end of the Parade; that in which the Prince lived had 
the queer name of Pao-Shun, which its owner, an old 
admiral, had no doubt given it in remembrance of some 
voyage In the Far East. 

I had selected for my study a tiny room, entirely 

papered with marine charts, from which one had a view 

of the whole of the Solent. The worthy admiral sitting 

there might well have fancied himself on board his own 

ship on a voyage round the world. The Prince tried to 

256 



Summer Relaxations 



cultivate a similar illusion, and I seized this opportunity 
of improving his geography. 

September was a beautiful month that year and life 
passed pleasantly at Cowes. The Prince was much feted 
by the children of the Earl and Countess of Harrington, 
whose simple and cordial hospitality put everyone at their 
ease. 

Baron Henry de Worms, who had been one of the most 
distinguished pupils of our College Rollin, and who, after 
being President of the Board of Trade, was raised to the 
peerage, taught the Prince to swim and tried to amuse him 
in a thousand ways. 

The Prince, too, had found companions of his own age 
in the young Exshaws, whose grandfather, M. de Riche- 
mont, had been a Senator of the Empire. 

Two or three young and very charming American 
ladies introduced an atmosphere of gaiety and innocent 
flirtation into this youthful group, which was beginning to 
soften to feminine influences. Every day brought some- 
thing new. One afternoon there would be a tennis party 
at Carisbrooke Castle, near the window by which Charles I 
had vainly tried to escape from his jailers; another time 
we would be invited on board one of the yachts for a few 
hours' cruise. 

One day one of those yachts which wander about 
all the summer dropt anchor in the Cowes roadstead. 
It belonged to the Baroness Meyer de Rothschild, who 
had made it her home, convinced that life on the sea was 
her only chance of health in view of a disease that threat- 
ened her life. The Prince was invited to visit the yacht 
and spend a day on it with his cousin the Duke of Alva. 

I shall always remember the dignified bearing and the 
melancholy air of the Baroness. She lived in the sad 

257 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

anticipation of impending death. Her daughter Hannah 
de Rothschild (since Countess of Rosebery) surrounded 
her with every loving care, and received her visitors with 
a mixture of simplicity and reserve which greatly im- 
prest me. 

The Emperor seldom left the house, and the Empress 
rarely left the Emperor. 

They returned to Camden Place in the first days of 
October, and Napoleon Hi's health became so much 
worse that a momentous decision became necessary. 



258 



CHAPTER XII 

JANUARY 9, 1873 

THE Emperor had been ill for a long time, but he 
deceived himself as to the nature of his malady and 
refused to undergo the medical examination which 
was indispensable.^ When he eventually submitted to 
this, the Prince Imperial had just taken up his quarters 
with me at Woolwich, where he followed the course at the 
Royal Military Academy, and the Emperor himself an- 
nounced the result of the consultation to his son in a brief 
note, the text of which will be found in my book on the 
Prince Imperial. 

This letter, which was intended to reassure the Prince, 
was far from giving an exact idea of the situation. In 
reality Sir William Gull and Sir James Paget had diag- 
nosed the presence of a stone in the bladder of which they 
could not exactly determine the size nor the consistence. 
They had recognized that this was a very grave case of 
long standing. 

^ Dr. Germain See was the only physician, it seemed, who had, previous to the 
year 1870, formed a correct diagnosis of the malady. He had exprest his opinion 
in writing and delivered this diagnosis signed, and in a sealed envelope, to 
the head physician. He was convinced that the communication had been given 
to the august patient. On the death of the Emperor this diagnosis could not 
be found among his papers. On Prince Napoleon questioning Dr. Conneau 
and asking what he had done with it, the doctor replied: "I have given it 
to the proper person." What did he mean? Prince Napoleon concluded that 
"the proper person" was the Empress. Ihis amounted to accusing her of 
having concealed, not only from the public but from the Emperor himself, 
the only really useful advice which, by insisting on the need for an immediate opera- 
tion, might have prolonged his life for several years. Alfred Darimon made this 
accusation public, and perhaps to this day certain people regard it as estab- 
lished. However, nothing could be more untrue. The Empress had no knowl- 
edge whatever of this opinion of Dr. See's, which, on the death of Dr. Conneau, was 
found in one of his drawers with its envelope intact, just as he had received it from 
Germain See. 

259 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"What!" said Sir William to Baron Corvisart, when 
coming out of the sick-room, "did that man actually 
endure five hours on horseback on the field of battle at 
Sedan? He must have suffered agonies!" 

It was decided that an operation should be attempted, 
and that it should be entrusted to Sir Henry Thompson, 
whose reputation as a surgeon was very great. The opera- 
tion took place on the second of January. On this occa- 
sion the doctors were only able to extract a tiny portion of 
the stone, but they satisfied themselves that it was of a 
phosphatic nature and that, in consequence, the use of 
lithotrity was possible. A second operation was per- 
formed on Monday, January 6, at midday, and was pro- 
nounced satisfactory. On January 7 and 8 the patient 
appeared to suffer less pain, but he was delirious at in- 
tervals. 

"Where is Louis .^" he asked the Empress, who had 
never left his bedside. 

"He is at Woolwich. Do you wish me to send for 
him?" 

"No. His work must not be interrupted." 

Another time, finding himself alone with Dr. Conneau, 
he said to him: 

"We did not behave like cowards at Sedan, did we, 
Conneau?" 

He was not believed to be in imminent danger until 
the morning of the 9th, about ten o'clock, when his pulse 
was suddenly found to be weaker, and it was evident that 
the end was rapidly approaching. When the Prince Im- 
perial, summoned in hot haste, arrived about half-past 
eleven all was over. He fell on his knees before the 
death-bed and fervently repeated aloud the Lord's 
Prayer. 

260 



Napoleon in Death 



Circumstances having detained me at Woolwich, I did 
not arrive at Camden Place until half an hour after the 
Prince. In a letter which I wrote to my family the follow- 
ing night I thus described what I had seen and felt: 

"First of all I went to greet tenderly the poor boy, 
then I sought the Empress, who was wandering about the 
house, and falling on my knees I kissed her hand. She 
said to me: 'Come and see him!' and led me into the 
Emperor's room. 

"'Is not his face beautiful?' she said to me. And it 
was true. She began to sob and had to withdraw. I 
stayed on some time by the side of our poor master. I 
then went away, only to return some moments later with 
the Prince, who wished to see his father a second time. 
We take it in turns to watch over the corpse, and as my 
watch is from half-past two to five in the morning, I have 
preferred not to go to bed. 

". . . I must leave off here to go into the mortuary 
chamber, for the clock is striking the hour for my vigil. . . 
This long gloomy night reminds me of those I have spent 
at the Tuileries, in the Empress's study, in August and 
September, 1870. Then I was keeping watch at the death- 
bed of the Empire, to-night it is at the death-bed of the 
Emperor." 

The Emperor had died on a little iron bed, placed in 
a corner of the room. He was now laid on a larger bed 
which had been used for the fatal operations and which 
was placed against the wall, facing the window. Day and 
night, from the hour when Napoleon III breathed his last 
until his coffin passed the threshold of Camden Place, we 
relieved one another, hour by hour, to watch over his re- 
mains. Two Sisters of Saint Joseph were continuously in 

261 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

prayer. The chest of drawers had been converted into an 
altar, and shining upon it was the reliquary known as "the 
talisman of Charlemagne." The violets,^ which very soon 
began to arrive from everywhere, accumulated in great 
heaps around his bed. 

Since then I can never inhale the sweet and penetrating 
perfume of violets without instinctively recalling that odor 
of death so uncannily associated with the smell of these 
flowers during the hours of the long winter nights which I 
spent by the funeral couch of Napoleon III. 

In the few moments of leisure left me I made hasty 
notes on all that passed during these sad days. Here are 
some passages which may be of interest: 

^''January ii. — ^To-day, Saturday, the body of the 
Emperor has been embalmed. It was then drest in the 
uniform of a Divisional General. Messieurs Davillier, 
Clary, Conneau and Pietri had the honor of performing 
this last toilet. The Emperor is wearing, besides the 
grand cordon of the Legion d'Honneur, the star of grand- 
officer of the same order, the Military Medal and the 
Medaille d^Italie. 

"His body has been placed in a leaden coffin, lined with 
white, which rests on two supports draped with black cloth. 
All round the coffin is a garland of violets. A large wreath 
of the same flowers has been placed at the foot of the 
coffin. 

"On his breast rests the sword with a little cross, which 
is connected with traditions of the family. A photograph 
of the Empress and one of the Prince Imperial have been 
placed in the coffin, close to His Majesty's heart. 

^^ January 14. — ^The Bonaparte princes go to fetch the 

^ The violet was the Imperial flower (Translator's Note). 
262 



Lying in State 

Prince Imperial from Oak Lodge, where he has spent the 
night, 1 and to bring him back to Camden Place. It is now 
eleven o'clock. The one-time dignitaries of the Empire 
crowd the gallery, which is entirely hung with black. The 
whole Household is there. I have never seen so many of 
them. . . . 

"11.30. — ^The arrival of the Prince of Wales and of 
the Duke of Edinburgh is announced. The Prince Im- 
perial goes to receive them and they embrace. They 
seem much moved. The Due de Bassano, Grand Cham- 
berlain, and the Due de Cambaceres, Grand Master 
of the Ceremonies, conduct the English princes to the 
coffin of Napoleon III. 

"The hall, transformed into a lying-in-state chamber, 
is lighted by silver candelabra. 

"A large white cross occupies the wall at the end. The 
Imperial crown, also white, stands out on the black hang- 
ings. An immense French tricolor flag forms the canopy. 
In the center of the hall, on a sloping support, is placed the 
Emperor's coffin, round which hang, in long folds, black 
velvet draperies bearing the arms of the Empire. A 
plaited rope in black silk and silver separates the gallery 
from this funeral sanctuary. 

"Two ecclesiastics and six officers of the household, in 
deep mourning, stand motionless beside their master. 

"The Emperor is seen lying at full length in his white 
coffin; he is drest in his general's uniform, with his 
sword by his side, his kepi at his feet, the ribbon of the 
Legion d'Honneur across his body. On his breast, with 
a mother-of-pearl crucifix, rests the Star of the Legion, 
the Military Medal, the Medal for the Campaign of 
Italy, and the Medal for Military Valor, a Swedish order 

* A neighboring house then occupied by the Comte and Comtesse Clary. 

263 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

only awarded to those Sovereigns who have been vic- 
torious in battle. 

"The Emperor's moustache and imperial are as he 
used to wear them; his features have not altered. In 
their pallor and rigidity they retain an imposing serenity. 
As one looks upon him the word 'majesty,' by which 
etiquet greets emperors and kings, comes naturally to 
one's lips. 

^^Noon. — ^The English princes salute Napoleon's coffin, 
they go to take leave of the Empress, and then 
withdraw. 

"The Prince Imperial, followed by his relatives and 
the household, approaches in his turn. Stifling his emo- 
tion, he kneels, sprinkles holy water on the body, and 
goes out, after having embraced his mother. 

"The procession now begins. First come the most 
illustrious servants of the Empire, then all the French 
people who have journeyed hither to salute Napoleon III 
for the last time, and lastly the members of the immense 
crowd that has gathered at the approaches to the park- 
They enter by the large gate, follow the avenue, enter 
the gallery by a side door, and pass without stopping 
before the coffin, then leave the house and the park by 
another way. 

"Standing behind the Imperial coffin, I watch these 
thousands of figures which follow one another, appearing 
to glide rather than to walk, so slow, regular and con- 
tinuous is the movement which carries them forward. The 
gleam of the tapers falls full on their pale faces as they 
crowd one against another to stare with wide open eyes, 
or lean forward eagerly in order to see better and to 
treasure for ever, imprinted on their memory, the picture 
on which their eyes rest during these thirty seconds. 

264 



French Mourners 



"From time to time a hand is stretched out from the 
crowd and lays a wreath or a bouquet at the Emperor's 
feet. Flowers — above all violets — accumulate minute by- 
minute. One can make out the inscriptions on the 
wreaths: *To the Emperor Napoleon.' * Farewell.' 
^Remembrance from your Fatherland.' 

"The stillness is profound. No other sound is heard 
but the dull shuffling movement of the crowd. Now and 
again, however, come exclamations of tenderness and 
sorrow in French and English. A man's voice — the voice 
of a soldier — cries out in passing: * Farewell, my Em- 
peror!' An old woman begs to be allowed 'to see him 
for an instant longer.' One can hear stifled sobs here 
and there. 

"The hours roll by, darkness falls, one can hardly 
distinguish the tricolor flag that floats over the house. 
The dimly lighted countryside is full of confused sounds 
and the dull shuffling of feet. The march past continues ; 
about sixty thousand people have passed through. It is 
six o'clock and the crowd begins to grow less. 

"9 p. m. — Several hundred French people, who have 
just disembarked, are allowed to enter. Then the gates 
and doors are shut. 

" 10 p. m. — ^There are now around the dead Emperor 
only Prince Louis-Lucien, Prince Napoleon-Charles, and 
five or six faithful servants, Comte Davillier, Comte 
Clary, Baron Corvisart, Dr. Conneau, and Messieurs 
Pietri and Filon. They have all come to kiss for the last 
time the cold hand of Napoleon III, on which are two 
rings — his own wedding ring and the ring which was on 
the finger of Napoleon I when he died at St. Helena. 

"M. Rouher dictates the official report, which describes 

down to the smallest detail the costume of the dead 

265 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

Emperor and the particulars of his lying-in-state. The 
assistants place bouquets of immortelles in the coffin. 
They divide among themselves some flowers which have 
touched the body of Napoleon III. 

"The black draperies are removed from the coffin, 
which is an elm coffin lined with lead. The lid is put 
on; the assistants have now looked upon the face of the 
Emperor for the last time. It is a quarter to ten. The 
coffin lid is hermetically sealed by running lead into 
the grooves. A plate is affixt bearing the following 
inscription: 

NAPOLEON III 

Empereur des Francais 

ne a Paris le 20 Avril 1808 

Mort a Camden Place 

Chislehurst 

le9 Janvier 1873. 

R. I. P. 

"The leaden coffin is then placed in a second coffin 
of oak lined with velvet, ornamented with brass nails 
and chased metal handles. The lid, also covered with 
velvet, is solidly screwed down. It bears a plate similar 
to the other, but with the addition of the imperial crown 
and the cross. 

"The heaps of flowers left during the day almost 
cover the black draped supports on which the coffin is 
resting. 

"^ quarter past midnight. — Everybody has left the 
mortuary except the two Sisters of St. Joseph, who have 
kept watch over the Emperor for six nights, an ex-chap- 
lain of the Tuileries, and the officer of the household 
on duty (one of those whom we have so often mentioned). 

266 



The Funeral 



"The Empress descends the stairs accompanied by 
the Duchesse de Mouchy, Comtesse Clary, the Vicom- 
tesse Aguado, and Mesdames de Saulcy and Lebreton- 
Bourbaki. 

"Her Majesty kneels down on a black-draped rest. 
She passes the long night in prayer. 

"It is twenty years since she was married at Notre 
Dame to him whose mortal remains now lie beside her. 

"It is exactly fourteen years to the day since she was 
sitting by his side in the carriage which drove them to 
the Opera on the night of Orsini's attempt at assassination. 

^^ January 15. — Ever since eight o'clock the crowd has 
been gathering at the park gates, round the Catholic 
Church, and on the roads to be followed by the funeral. 

"At half past ten o'clock the house and park are filled 
with French visitors. 

"The body is taken up after the usual prayers. 

"The Prince Imperial leaves the house, followed by 
the Princes and by his officers. His mourning cloak, half 
open, reveals the grand cordon of the Legion d'Honneur. 

"The coffin is placed in a hearse bearing the Imperial 
arms, and drawn by eight horses draped in black velvet. 

"The procession moves off in the following order: 

"A deputation of Parisian workmen, carrying a tri- 
color flag. (Some astonishment is exprest that the staff 
which supports our national ensign is only a wretched 
stick, but we are told that the original banner carried by 
the workmen has been confiscated at the French frontier, 
and that the man who carried it is now in one of the 
prisons of the Republic). Behind the workmen walk the 
clergy, after the flag comes the Cross. It is followed by 
the French ecclesiastics, among whom one notices several 
Canons of St. Denis and the Emperor's almoners. 

267 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"Sixteen bearers follow carrying black rods and with 
hats covered with crape. 

"Next comes the hearse which bears the Emperor's 
body, each horse being led by a man in deep mourning. At 
the sides of the hearse, to the right and left, come, first the 
seven persons who compose the Emperor's household and 
that of the Prince at Chislehurst; then the principal 
officers of the Crown, to wit, the Due de Bassano, the Due 
de Cambaceres, General Fleury, the Prince de la Mos- 
kowa and General Frossard. Then the Prince Imperial, 
followed by Prince Napoleon and the other Princes of the 
Imperial Family. 

"Next in the procession come the representatives of 
the English Royal Family (Lord Sydney, Lord Cowley, 
Lord Suffield, etc.), the generals sent by the King of Italy 
to represent the Court of the Quirinal and the Italian 
people, and the Ministers of foreign Powers in London. 

"Then follows an illustrious group of men, including 
two marshals and an admiral of France, twenty-seven ex- 
Ministers, seventeen generals, six vice-admirals and rear- 
admirals, fourteen members of the National Assembly, a 
hundred Senators and Deputies of the Empire, the whole 
of the Imperial households, many notable members of the 
Imperial Civil Service, and lastly four thousand French 
persons of all ranks brought together by a common sorrow. 

"This imposing procession passes through the gates 

and advances towards the village of Chislehurst. It is 

impossible to estimate the numbers of the crowd which 

lined the route. Every head is bared. A large number 

of English people are wearing in their buttonholes either 

immortelles in token of mourning or violets, the Imperial 

flower. 

"They look with respectful eyes upon this sad yet 

268 



Bearing of the Prince 



glorious spectacle, which belies the character for careless- 
ness and ingratitude attributed to our country on such 
slender grounds. All eyes rest more particularly upon 
the young Prince who walks with a firm step behind his 
father's coffin. Words of sympathy for him, murmured in 
low tones, are on everyone's lips: *PDor dear!' 'Poor 
Prince!' *Poor darling!' People gaze for long at his 
pale and manly features, the expression of which has aged 
ten years in eight days. 

"The procession takes half an hour to traverse the 
distance from Camden Place to the Church of Saint Mary. 
At last it reaches the gates of the cemetery and eight men 
raise the Imperial coffin on their shoulders. A pall of 
violet velvet, embroidered with the Napoleonic bees and 
traversed by a large cross, is thrown over the coffin and 
over those who carry it with solemn steps. 

"The Catholic Bishop of Southwark, assisted by his 
clergy and by the Abbe Goddard, rector of Saint Mary's, 
comes forward to meet the body at the church door. It is 
put down at the entrance to the chancel and the service 
commences. 

"Barely two hundred people can find room in the 
church. The Princes and Princesses are in the choir, on 
the right-hand side of the nave are the representatives of 
the Royal Families, on the left are about eighty French 
and English ladies; amongst them we note Lady Cowley, 
Lady Sydney, the Marechales Saint-Arnaud, Malakoff, 
Regnault de St. Jean-d'Angely and Canrobert, Mme. 
Fleury, Princess de la Moskowa, Mmes. de la Poeze, 
Carette, de Sancy-Parabere, de Saulcy, and Aguado — the 
last five are ladies-in-waiting to the Empress. 

"The Chislehurst household and the great officials are 

standing about the catafalque. 

269 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

"The principal personages of the Empire occupy the 
body of the church. 

"Stifled sobs are followed by the hush of prayer. At 
the moment of the Elevation the silence is so profound in 
this kneeling crowd that each one, isolated in his own grief, 
might easily believe himself to be alone in the church. 

"The ceremony over, absolution is pronounced by the 
bishop. The coffin is placed in a tiny side chapel, which 
can only be reached by a narrow arch. The Due de 
Bassano and others of the intimate retinue of the Emperor 
advance and place upon the coffin the wreaths which had 
been heaped up at the foot of the catafalque. The iron 
gate is then closed. Those present make way for the 
Prince Imperial, who is the first to sprinkle Holy Water 
on the coffin, and then withdraws. 

"1.30 p. m. — On returning from the church the Prince 
interviews the faithful ones who have come to attend his 
father's funeral. When he arrives at the group of French 
workmen an incident occurs. The man who carries the 
banner, in reply to the Prince's words, cries, *Long live 
the Emperor! Long live Napoleon IV!' 

"'The Emperor is dead,' said the Prince to him, *but 
France lives. You should cry: 'Long live France!' 

"The crowd does not hear these words and repeats: 
'Long live the Emperor!' 

"Those who were already leaving come running back. 
This crowd, a moment ago so calm and collected, now 
becomes so tumultuous that we experience some difficulty 
in getting the Prince back to the house to escape this 
unexpected manifestation." 

I take from my diary one last recollection, dated the 
following day, January 16: 

270 



An Affecting Scene 



"2 p. m. — ^Almost all the French people who were pres- 
ent at the Emperor's funeral yesterday have come back 
to see the Empress. 

"The Empress comes down the stairs leaning on her 
son's arm. She first sees the ladies standing in line in 
the dining-room as they did yesterday. Gradually her 
tears choke her utterance and her emotion paralyzes her, 
but she insists upon going through with this last sad long 
review of her friends. It is agony indeed, yet it brings her 
some comfort. 

"She enters the gallery, holds out her hand in succes- 
sion to those she finds there. They all throw themselves on 
their knees and kiss the Empress's hand, weeping. Men 
who have probably not shed a tear for fifty years are sob- 
bing audibly. I believe that rarely, if ever, has a crowd 
displayed collectively such an intensity of grief, and those 
who have witnessed it are not likely to see such a spectacle 
again. 

"At the feet of this widow, enveloped in mourning, was 
the whole of French society representing the twenty years 
of the Second Empire, swearing allegiance, not in obedi- 
ence but in sorrow. And amid these representatives of 
various aristocracies was the workman who on the pre- 
vious day had carried the tricolor flag. If anything could 
have intensified our emotion it was to have seen this man, 
on his knees like the others, kissing the hand of the Em- 
press, weeping and murmuring incoherent words of 
affection and regret for Napoleon III." 



271 



CHAPTER XIII 

THE EMPRESS EFFACES HERSELF 

THE death of the Emperor imposed anew on the 
Empress heavy responsibilities from which she be- 
lieved she had escaped. The first question which 
presented itself was the education of the Prince. People 
in the party wondered whether he would return to his 
student's life at Woolwich or whether he would hold him- 
self at the disposition of the Imperialists, in view of cir- 
cumstances which might arise at any moment. But this 
question was not even raised. The Prince himself had 
made up his mind to finish his studies creditably, and 
would not have allowed himself to be drawn away from 
them. Three weeks after the funeral of Napoleon III he 
went back to his little house at Woolwich with his tutor 
and with Louis Conneau, whom the English Government 
had also authorized to follow the course at the Military 
Academy. 

It was necessary first of all to settle the Emperor's 
inheritance in accordance with his will, written at the 
Tuileries and dated April 24, 1865, of which the text is 
as follows: 

"I commend my son and my wife to the estates of 
the Realm, to the People and to the Army. The Empress 
Eugenie possesses all the qualities necessary for the con- 
duct of the Regency, and my son shows inclinations and 
judgment which will render him worthy of his high destiny. 

"He must never forget the motto of the Head of our 
family, * Tout pour le peuple francais ' (All for the people 

272 



Napoleon's Will 

of France) ; he must make himself thoroughly acquainted 
with the writings of the prisoner of St. Helena; he must 
study the acts and the correspondence of the Emperor, in 
order that he may remember, when the time comes, that 
the cause of the peoples is the cause of France. 

"Sovereignty is a heavy burden, because one cannot 
always do the good one desires, and one's contemporaries 
rarely do one justice; a Sovereign in order to accomplish 
his mission, must have in himself faith and a clear con- 
sciousness of his duty. He must remember that those 
whom he has loved look down upon him from above and 
guard him. 

"It is the spirit of my great-uncle that has always 
inspired and sustained me. This spirit will do the same 
for my son, for he will always be worthy of his name. 

" I leave to the Empress Eugenie all my private estate. 
I desire that when my son attains his majority she will 
live at the Elysee and at Biarritz. 

"I hope that my memory will be dear to her, and that 
after I am dead she will forget whatever sorrow I may 
have caused her. 

"As for my son, I wish him to keep as a talisman the 
seal which I carry attached to my watch, and which came 
to me from my mother; to preserve with care all those 
objects which have come to me from the Emperor, my 
uncle, and I want him to rest assured that my heart and 
soul will ever remain with him. 

"I do not mention my faithful servants. I am con- 
vinced that the Empress and my son will never forsake 
them. 

"I die in the Catholic religion. Apostolic and Roman, to 
which my son will always do pious reverence. 

"(Signed) Napoleon." 
273 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

This will was, as we can see, a political one. It had 
been written to allow the Emperor to place his son once 
again under the protecting influence of the Napoleonic 
tradition, and to accredit the Empress as Regent, by rais- 
ing her as high as possible in the affection and esteem of 
the French people. Above all, it had given Napoleon III 
the chance of offering to the Empress an apology for 
offenses that had deeply wounded her. 

The will contained hardly anything of that which 
usually fills ordinary wills, barely a line, but this line was 
perfectly clear and bequeathed to the Empress the whole 
of the Emperor's personal fortune. The change in the 
situation of those interested, who were now in the con- 
dition of private persons, and the difference between 
the laws of inheritance obtaining in France and those of 
England, so far from rendering the provisions of the will 
impracticable, both combined to make them easier to 
carry out. 

Apart from the difficulty of realizing certain property, 
nothing could have been easier than to settle the matter 
of the inheritance if political passions and personal hatreds 
had not been mingled with it. 

It was Prince Napoleon who introduced this trouble 
into the house where the Emperor had just died. He 
demanded a second will. He "was not able to believe 
that the Emperor had not made a new will." M. Pietri 
conducted the Prince to the Emperor's study. There he 
found the drawers fastened with linen bands on which 
Pietri had placed his seal. The Prince muttered that 
these seals were not in order, to which the Emperor's secre- 
tary replied briefly that they were not official seals, but 
simply a precaution taken by order of the Emperor when 
he took to his bed before his first operation, in order to 

274 \ 



Raoul Duval 



prevent anyone tampering with his papers. ^ Upon that 
the Prince opened one of the drawers in which he found 
only papers "of no importance," that is to say, of no im- 
portance to him. They were lists of the names and 
addresses of several thousands of French persons who had 
written to the Emperor with protestations of their loyalty 
to offer their services. 

The Empress exprest a wish to see Prince Napoleon. 
She related the details of this interview, later on, to a 
friend, whose story I shall now give. This friend was 
Raoul Duval senior, the admirable magistrate who, under 
the Empire, had resigned his post as Public Prosecutor in 
order to devote himself to the rehabilitation of a man he 
had caused to be condemned in error. Of Duval, the 
Prince was able to write in 1878: "As a judge he had but 
one aim, to do justice. As a politician he saw but one goal 
■ — the success of the cause which he served so well." No 
one can challenge or dispute the testimony of such a man. 

2 "In 187 ... I was at Camden Place on one of those 
visits which I usually make there at least twice a year, and 
I had a private conversation with H. M. the Empress in 
the drawing-room where she usually receives visitors. In 
the course of the conversation, using the frankness of 
speech which she and her son always authorized and en- 
couraged me to use, I drew Her Majesty's attention to the 

^This precaution was the more necessary as we had just discovered a leakage. 
A valet named K used to steal documents and sell them to Thiers' Govern- 
ment. A letter which had been written to me by M. Viihrer was found on the table 
of the Juge d'Instruction at the Palais de Justice in Paris. 

2 The relatives of Raoul Duval have kindly communicated to me the above un- 
published note. I submitted it to the Empress, who declared it to be exact on all 
points. It was not dated, but certain allusions it contained showed that the con- 
versation reported here had taken place in one of the first months of 1873, at the 
time when the Orleanists had not yet succeeded in bringing about an amalgamation 
with the Bourbon Royalists. 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

grievous effect of the differences that then existed in the 
bosom of the Imperial family. 

"*In these differences lies,' I said to her, *one obvious 
reason for the weakening of our party, and some of your 
most faithful friends view them with infinite regret. 
Similar differences have existed in the House of Bourbon 
between M. le Comte de Chambord and the Princes of 
Orleans, and an attempt has been made to put an end to 
them by a more or less complete reconciliation. Would 
it not be possible for the Imperial family to follow this 
useful example with better success?' 

"*I have tried to do so in vain,' replied the Empress, 
without, however, indicating when and where. 'I have 
held out my hand to the Prince, saying, as I did so, " Come 
now, you know I am not a vindictive woman; let us forget 
our dissensions, put your hand in mine and let there be no 
question of the past between us!" The Prince only re- 
plied, "Madame, I will shortly make you acquainted with 
my resolutions." He withdrew, and, some days later, he 
sent Colonel S toff el to me, who said that the Prince con- 
sented to a reconciliation but on two conditions on which 
he would not compromise: the first was that he should be 
recognized as the head of the Imperialist Party, and that 
he should have the absolute direction of that party. I 
would have accepted this condition, dangerous though it 
might prove to the interests of my son. But the second ! ' 

"Here the voice of the Empress faltered and her eyes 
filled with tears. 

'"The second! He dared — would you believe it? — 
he dared demand that the person of the Prince Imperial 
should be confided to his sole care and surveillance! . . . 
Do you realize the insult and all the threatening import 
of such a message?' 

276 




Photo: Russell 

THE EMPRESS EUGENIE TOWARD THE CLOSE OF HER LIFE 



A Malignant Rumor 



"And here the poor woman, shaking with sobs, held 
out her hands to me with a forlorn gesture which affected 
me so profoundly that, forgetting respectful etiquet, I 
took both her hands and held them for some instants in 
my own. 

"'I cried out,' she went on in a broken voice, 'does 
the Prince, then, wish me to admit myself incapable and 
unworthy to bring up my son ! What have I done to merit 
such an outrage?' . . ."* 

Prince Napoleon returned to Paris without having 
accepted the olive branch offered him by the Empress. 
He had replied to an amicable proposal by a mortal insult. 
And yet, strange to say, she did not despair of bringing 
him to a better frame of mind, and she made fresh and 
perfectly disinterested efforts to come to some agreement. 

On his return to France Prince Napoleon said, or 
caused to be spread abroad by his partizans, that the 
Emperor had made a second will which the Empress, with 
the complicity of M. Rouher and M. Franceschini Pietri, 
had destroyed, in order to appropriate her son's fortune. 
I heard this rumor the moment it was started, but I 
believed it would be speedily disposed of by the good 
sense of public opinion. In that I was mistaken. The 
women who could never forgive the Empress Eugenie 
for having been the most beautiful woman of her day, the 
statesmen who had not succeeded in passing from the 
second or third rank to the first, those who had solicited in 
vain for place or decorations and who imputed — Heaven 
knows why — their disappointment to the Empress, the 
extreme Liberals who saw in her a religious bigot, influ- 
enced by priests, finally the nincompoops who are ever 
looking for melodrama in history, and for whom no picture 

* Here ends the narrative of M. Raoul Duval (Translator's Note). 
277 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

of human life is interesting unless it is unreal, had all 
agreed to believe in the existence of the mysterious will 
supprest by the Empress and her two accomplices. 

Need I say that I did not believe a word of it? I had 
little liking for Rouher, but I have never heard him 
accused of dishonesty. The uprightness, the exceptional 
steadfastness of Pietri's character I knew well. I knew 
that before being given to the Empress his devotion had 
belonged without reserve to the Emperor and the Prince 
Imperial; that, if she had wished to have diverted a par- 
ticle of the inheritance destined by the Emperor for the 
Prince Imperial she would not have found a more tena- 
cious and more implacable adversary than Pietri. But 
apart from this, how was it possible to suspect her for an 
instant, to imagine that this passionately devoted mother, 
who had no other care but her son's future, no other inter- 
est in life but his welfare and honor could have wished to 
defraud him ^ I did not even think it worth while to make 
the least inquiry, being perfectly certain that all was well. 
It is only in these latter years, when I decided to eventually 
publish my testimony concerning the events which I had 
witnessed, that I put certain questions to Pietri, and this 
is what he replied: 

"The Emperor never intended to make a second will. 
Such a task is not to everybody's taste. He did not 
believe himself to be at the point of death. And then, 
what would have been the object.^* By the first will he 
wished to affirm his confidence in the Empress. Far from 
diminishing, this confidence had increased. The personal 
fortune of the Emperor was not very considerable.^ You 

^ The English solicitors, who eflPected the settlement of the estate, declared that 
the fortune of Napoleon III amounted to less than £120,000, and in consequence of 
various claims upon it the amount actually available for the legatee would, in reality, 
be only about half of this declared total. 

278 



Considerations of Thrift 



know that he paid little attention to money matters and 
never reckoned what he spent. ^ The Empress, on the 
contrary, is rich in her own right, and has entrusted the 
management of her property to a skilful and devoted man 
of business whom you know well. 

"The Emperor therefore looked to his wife for provid- 
ing the Prince Imperial with such an adequate allowance 
as would render him independent of his parents-in-law 
when he married. Indeed, we have worked untiringly for 
that object from 1873 to 1879. I say *we' because I 
helped the Empress in that task with all my might. 

"The Prince spent hardly anything on himself. One 
day Bachon came to sell him a horse — an admirable 
bargain. 

"'How much?' asked the Prince. 

"'Ten thousand francs.' 

"'That is too dear. For ten thousand francs I could 
run an election.'" 

And Pietri continued: "You see from that the view 
he took of questions of money. The great danger against 
which we had to protect him was the visits of intriguers 
and swindlers who would come to ask him for fabulous 
sums to start a newspaper, publish a book, buy some useful 
cooperation, or create a new kind of propaganda. All 

^ I can give an instance to show the indiflPerence with which the Emperor treated 
such matters. In August, 1870, when he separated from the Prince, he said to Comte 
Clary, handing him three rolls of bank-notes: "You will find ten thousand francs 
in each of these packets. It is for the Prince's expenses." Hardly had Clary left 
than he counted the notes and found only nine in each packet. Very distrest he 
returned to the Emperor and informed him about it. "Ah," said the Emperor neg- 
ligently, "well, then, you have twenty-seven thousand francs instead of thirty thou- 
sand." How many times since the beginning of his reign had his packets of notes thus 
been tampered with? 

I might add that a certain person used to steal from his bedroom-table pieces of 
gold which he placed there at night when he emptied his waistcoat pockets. 
He noticed it in the end, but he hesitated to punish or even dismiss the guilty 
one. 

279 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

these people said that he ought to strike while the iron was 
hot, and make great sacrifices as the occasion would never 
return again. In the beginning the Prince was inclined 
to believe them, but after the fiasco of May i6 he was dis- 
illusioned. Besides, he was beginning to understand 
human nature and in consequence he was better able to 
defend himself against such self-interested attempts. It 
was then that, at the request of the Empress and Prince 
Imperial, three lawyers, Pinard, Grandperret and Busson- 
Billault, drew up in consultation a settlement which was 
voluntary and had no compulsory validity in law. In 
order to provide him with an adequate fortune she had 
resolved to make over to him half the paternal inheritance, 
in accordance with the French law. This division had just 
been completed when the Prince left for Zululand. 

"But the Empress," added Pietrl, "had not waited 
until then to make the Prince financially comfortable. 
When he went to Scandinavia she opened an unlimited 
credit for him, which he drew on largely; for I can assure 
you that he spent money en route like a reigning Prince." 

Pietri concluded by saying: "How dare they say that 
he had not a sou, when by his will, after having appointed 
his mother residuary legatee, he left legacies to individuals 
amounting to over a million francs .f*" 

The wish to set forth here all that I know about the 
settlement of the Imperial inheritance has led me far away 
from my immediate subject. I will now return to the 
events which followed the death of the Emperor. 

By right the Empress was Regent from January 9, 
1873, to March 16, 1874. After that date, and until 
February, 1875, when the Prince left Woolwich, he was 
supposed to hold in his own hands the policy of the party. 
But this was nothing but a fiction and, in reality, Rouher 

280 



Party Tactics 

managed everything. What, then, did Rouher do? He 
did nothing, and he ought not to be blamed for that, for 
in the parHamentary arena there was nothing to be done. 
To distribute by hundreds of thousands, by milHons, 
pamphlets and newspapers, to refute calumnies and re- 
establish the truth about the last acts of the Imperial 
regime, such was the work of these two years. In Parlia- 
ment this old statesman had a following of only twenty- 
five or thirty. He never mounted the rostrum without 
feeling sorely troubled, and instead of receiving the admir- 
ing deference to which he had once been accustomed on the 
part of the House, he met with nothing but scornful 
hostility from the Republican Minority, and disdainful 
tolerance from the Royalist Majority; it was to the tail 
of the latter party that he attached himself when the hour 
to vote arrived. 

Meanwhile the Prince worked hard at mathematics and 
gunnery. As for the Empress, she would have lost herself 
in the parliamentary imbroglio if she had attempted to 
follow and to control from a distance these maneuvers 
which repeated themselves endlessly and not infrequently 
annuled one another. 

Was Rouher wise to associate himself with the move- 
ment which overthrew Thiers and replaced him by Mar- 
shal MacMahon ? 

We believed so at first, but we were not slow in repent- 
ing of our belief when the Comte de Paris paid his famous 
visit to Frohsdorf. The white flag of the Comte de Cham- 
bord ^ saved us, and the Imperial party, taking up again 
its true role, made rapid progress from March i6, 1 874. 

^ A Royalist restoration would probably have been inevitable at this time had the 
Orleanists and "Legitimists" joined forces. The Comte de Chambord stubbornly 
refused to give up the white standard with the golden fleur-de-lys of the Kings of France 
for the tricolor, and this one point wrecked the negotiations (Translator's Note). 

281 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenic 

This I can assert, because the correspondence which 
reached me at Woolwich brought striking proofs by every 
post. But, as I spent only Sundays at Chislehurst, I was 
little in touch with all that happened there, with the visi- 
tors who were received and with the share which the 
Empress took in the direction of affairs. 

My impression is that she voluntarily and daily effaced 
herself more and more. When the Prince left the Royal 
Military Academy and began to study all the questions in 
detail she withdrew completely. She carried discretion 
so far as to be absent when any important resolutions had 
to be taken. She put into this attitude no affectation and 
no sulkiness, and gave her personal opinion quite frankly 
in conversation and in her letters, but she did not trouble 
herself to find out whether her advice had been taken into 
consideration. She did not, indeed, renounce the right 
of giving advice; for instance, she would say, in connection 
with the visit of a new adherent: "Do not speak much; 
let him speak and listen yourself. That is what your 
father would have done." The tone suggests rather the 
mother who teaches than the Regent who commands, does 
it not? 

In the summer of 1875 the Empress went to see her 
son, who was now doing duty as an acting lieutenant of 
artillery at Aldershot. On leaving him she went on to 
Arenenberg, where she stayed for a period every year after 
the death of the Emperor. Napoleon III would never 
return there during the last years of his life. The Empress 
explained this repugnance to me one day as a sort of 
superstition. "To revisit the home of his youth," she 
said, "would have made him feel like a wounded animal 
returning to its lair to die." 

The Prince, on the contrary, had a lively affection for 

282 



A Visit to Italy 

the former residence of Queen Hortense, and he eagerly- 
rejoined his mother there as soon as he could leave Alder- 
shot. Arenenberg was then full of young people, of gaiety 
and movement, and the politicians who flocked there from 
France did not succeed in destroying the charm of the 
place. The lake and the mountains supplied all kinds of 
sport. The Empress, whom I had seen at Biarritz and 
Fontainebleau taking part in such recreations, now ab- 
stained from them, but one felt how happy she was in 
seeing her son the center and the inspiration of a thousand 
amusements. 

In the autumn of 1 876, instead of again returning to 
Camden Place as in former years, both mother and son 
turned towards Italy. The Prince, with two friends, spent 
some days in Venice, and then visited the battlefields of 
1859. During this time the Empress, who had arrived at 
Florence, settled at the Villa Oppenheim, where the Prince 
soon joined her. 

Concerning these first days in Florence the Empress 
told me the following anecdote. 

King Victor Emmanuel having called upon her at the 
Villa Oppenheim, she immediately returned his visit at the 
Pitti Palace. She was received in a drawing-room entirely 
hung with portraits of the Hohenzollerns whose spiked 
helmets offended her eyes at every turn. On the other 
hand, the portrait of Napoleon III, who had made the 
House of Savoy the Royal House of Italy, was absent. 
As the Empress, even whilst speaking, never ceased look- 
ing at the pictures of all these Prussians, the King, in spite 
of his self-possession, became slightly embarrassed. 

"You are astonished," he said, "at what you see." 

"No," replied the Empress, "I am astonished at what 

I do not see." 

283 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

From Florence the Empress and the Prince went to 
Rome, where the godson of Pius IX went to pay his re- 
spects to his illustrious sponsor at the Vatican. Then 
mother and son separated. Whilst the Prince visited the 
port and dockyards of Spezzia, returning to England via 
Germany, the Empress went to Naples, whence she passed 
into Spain after having broken the journey at Malta. She 
prolonged her stay with her mother, whom she had not 
met for many years, and it was not without emotion that 
she revisited this house of Carabanchel, the scene of her 
first amusements and of her first triumphs as a young girl. 
The old trees of Carabanchel had, no doubt, used the lapse 
of time to grow somewhat and thereby justify the Comtesse 
de Montijo's illusions concerning them. 

At this moment there took place in France the political 
landslide of the Seize Mai,^ and judging by the letters 
which passed between mother and son, they were both of 
the same impression when events became fully known to 
them — namely, that the Orleanists were trying to exploit 
for their own purposes the reviving popularity of the 
Imperialist Party. I have previously explained that the 
Prince made every effort to prevent his friends from 
falling into the trap, but he only half succeeded. 

The failure of May i6, and more particularly the 
retirement of the marshal, which was brought about 
without the least trouble, served to show the Empress and 
her son that their judgment had not been at fault, and I 
believe they never agreed better than during the last 
year they spent together. Far from being the opprest, 
kept-under child, deprived of initiative and of pleasures, 
which some despicable books represent him to have been, 

1 May i6, 1877, when a Republican majority put an end to the Presidency of 
Marshal MacMahon and to the rule of the conservative parties (Translator's Note). 

284 



The Prince's Views on Marriage 

the Prince was a man whose physical strength and in- 
tellectual freedom were fully developed. Conscious of 
being absolute master of his own actions, he was in no 
hurry to marry, as this would have singularly hampered 
him as a Pretender. Here is what he wrote me in Au- 
gust, 1878, in connection with certain matrimonial proj- 
ects arising out of his journey to the Courts of the North : 
"You speak to me of certain projects of marriage 
which excited friends have put forward. To marry was 
not the object of my journey, otherwise you would have 
been one of the first to know. It is possible that I may 
not wait till years have made me as bald as Corvisart, or 
'pot-bellied' like Rouher, before entering upon marriage, 
but I have at present no definite intention of the kind. 
Doubtless I may not hope for the happiness of marrying 
according to my affections, but I know enough of life never 
to consent to marry against my inclinations, and in this 
I am not swayed by selfish considerations, but acting as an 
honest man." 

The Empress had not originated this project of 
marriage, but she appreciated its advantages for the 
Prince, and she would have made the greatest sacrifices 
to ensure its accomplishment. She was not, however, 
seriously disappointed when the affair came to nothing. 

They were still at Arenenberg when Colonel Stoffel 
put another idea into the Prince's head. This idea was 
for him to enter the Austrian army at the time when this 
army, by virtue of the mandate of the Powers, was pre- 
paring to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Em- 
press objected. 

"If there is no war," she said, "you will spend your 
time in an Austrian garrison playing billiards and making 
love to an -Italian singer. If there is war you will fight 

285 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

against the poor Turks, who are allies of France, or per- 
haps (for politics are liable to strange and sudden up- 
heavals in the Balkans) against Russia, whose Sovereign 
welcomed you like a father four years ago at Wool- 
wich." 

The Prince was not, however, convinced, and he per- 
suaded the Empress to write to Francis Joseph in the 
sense he desired. In telling me about this several years 
later, she concluded by saying: "The Emperor refused, 
and I was exceedingly glad." 

They returned together to Camden Place. She always 
came back there with pleasure, for this house had become 
dear to her. In 1883 I heard her say to my wife: "I do 
not know why they all complained about Camden Place; 
to me it was like Heaven." Those four years, 1875-79, 
were happy years; I might almost say the happiest years 
of her life. She had her son with her, and he was all that 
she had wished. 



286 



CHAPTER XIV 

THE PILGRIMAGE TO ITELEZI 

IN my book on the Prince Imperial, I have related how 
his wish to take part in the Zulu War gradually devel- 
oped, until at last it became an obsession with him, 
and how his first request to serve in the English army was 
refused by the Duke of Cambridge. Nothing daunted 
by this failure the Prince redoubled his efforts, and at 
length obtained the longed-for permission. The same 
evening his mother, who had noticed that he seemed un- 
usually pleased and excited, realized that something 
unexpected must have transpired, and she prevailed on 
her son to take her into his confidence. The next morning 
the Empress discust the project very gravely with the 
Prince, and for some hours she endeavored unsuccess- 
fully to dissuade him from his Intention; but she found 
the Prince immovable, and indeed she was faced by an 
accomplished fact, as he had already received the neces- 
sary authorization from the Commander-in-Chief. 

I have in the work referred to described this event 
exactly as the Empress herself told it to me at Coombe 
Cottage in the spring of 1881, when I saw her for the 
first time after the death of the Prince Imperial, and I have 
also included some other information kindly given me by 
M. Franceschini Pietri. It is impossible for me to re- 
peat here in detail what I have already written else- 
where, but nevertheless nearly all the particulars belong 
equally to the story of the mother as to that of her son, 
notably that supreme discussion which decided both 
their lives. I am, therefore, happy to be in a position to 

287 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

publish the evidence of another independent witness, M. 
Raoul Duval, senior, whose integrity and intelligence are 
already known to the reader. ^ 

M. Duval gives the Empress's account of the motives 
which had determined the Prince to leave for South 
Africa. We must, however, note carefully that in this 
interview the Empress was, in a sense, pleading the 
Prince's cause, and trying to put forward his point of 
view instead of her own, so that she minimized the unhap- 
piness which his departure had caused her. The meeting 
between the old magistrate and his Sovereign took place 
on May 12, 1879 — that is, nearly three weeks before the 
death of the Prince. 

"When I entreated the Prince to abandon his project, 
of which the dangers alarmed me," said the Empress to 
M. Duval, "he replied: * Listen, mother, I will fully 
explain my position, and then you can judge for yourself. 
Owing to the accident of my birth I am not my own 
master. God has willed it so, and I cannot, even if I 
would, escape from the destiny which He has appointed 
for me. Whether I like it or not, I happen to be the 
nominal, and eventually the effective head of a great 
party which believes itself to be — and which we believe 
to be — truly representative of France. Now what have I 
done hitherto to justify the hopes that people place in 
me.'* I have been an exile from my childhood, and I 
have grown up under the trees of Camden Place. I have 
worked with the teachers you have given me to acquire 
for myself a sound education, and to grow up into a man. 
But of all I have done, of all I have learnt, of all the 
things of worth that may be in me, nothing, so to speak, 
has gone outside the walls of my study. Apart from a 

^ Of. p. 275 (Translator's Note). 
288 



The Prince Explains his Position 

small number of my personal friends, nobody knows me, 
and I can say that in France, although my name may be 
an emblem, my personality and my moral value, such as 
they are, are unknown. They still see me as I was when 
I left the country. In the eyes of my party I have never 
grown up, and at the age of twenty-three I am still a 
child to them, and the majority of them treat me as one. 
This is so true, that whenever on any important occasion 
I have attempted to direct the Imperialist party, and to 
impress upon them a uniform policy in conformity with 
my opinion and my personal wishes, I have not been 
listened to, and, as often as not, the party has acted in 
direct opposition to my advice. ... It is imperative, 
therefore, that I should take some step to assert myself, 
and to obtain the influence which' is indispensable to my 
future. There is one thing a m^an can always do — that is, 
to show that he does not value his own life too highly, and 
is prepared to risk it without counting the cost. 

"*I am continually having it thrown at my head that 
the Orleans Princes have seen fighting, and that I have 
not seen any. My enemies have even gone so far as to 
call me a coward, simply because I have never had the 
opportunity of proving the contrary. During the war 
between Russia and Turkey, Russian and English in- 
terests were in direct opposition, and the two Powers were 
watching one another with their hands, figuratively 
speaking, on the hilts of their swords. To take sides with 
either would have been to show myself ungrateful to one 
or to the other. England gave shelter in the past to my 
father; she has sheltered us also in our exile, and has 
shown us all manner of kindnesses. On the other hand, 
when the Emperor of Russia visited London he evinced, 

as is well known, the greatest interest in my welfare, and 

289 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

displayed the most affectionate feelings towards me. He 
was, so he told me, my sincere well-wisher, and I should 
always find a warm friend in him. It was therefore im- 
possible for me to take any part against either country. 
In the Afghan war the situation was identically the same. 
At the present time, on the other hand, the war is one 
against savages, no European interests are involved, and 
no one can take offense at my participation in hostilities. 
In Africa I shall be able to show that I am no coward, and 
when I have proved that I am willing to risk my life for 
a country which is not my own, but to which I owe a debt 
of gratitude, I shall a fortiori have proved that I am 
equally ready to risk it in the service of my own country 
when she has need of me. 

"'You must, therefore, see that the moment has ar- 
rived when I must do something, and that my decision is 
a reasonable one. ' " ^ 

"Notwithstanding all the fears of which my heart was 
full, and the agony which I seemed to foresee," continued 
the Empress, "I could not fail to realize the justice of 
many of my son's remarks, and this will explain to you 
why, although I still argued with him, I resigned myself 
at last to the inevitable." 

The Empress, in her turn, questioned her visitor as to 
the feelings of the Imperialist party, and the judgment 
which it had passed on the Prince's departure for Africa. 
Raoul Duval answered frankly that the news of the 
Prince's decision had caused general astonishment. It 
was felt that the Prince had no right even in the service 

* The Empress, to whom I submitted this account by M. Raoul Duval, told me that 
it was absolutely correct in essentials. "Only," she added, "the Prince exprest 
himself in somewhat different terms. He said to me: 'Do you want me to remain 
always the "little Prince" to everyone.^ Do you want me to fade away and die of 
sheer ennui like the Due de Reichstadt?'" 

290 



Prince Victor Napoleon 



of a country towards which he had obligations to risk so 
precious an existence. Did he not, after his great-uncle 
and his father, embody in his person the Empire — that is, 
the principle of a monarchy which combined authority 
with democracy? Was he not its last and only incarna- 
tion? If anything untoward were to happen to him, the 
Imperialist party would dissolve, and nothing would 
remain of the hopes which had been centered on him. 

The Empress remarked that, after all. Prince Napoleon 
was still alive; but Raoul Duval told her that Prince 
Napoleon, having renounced the Empire in favor of the 
Republic, no longer existed for the Imperialists. The 
Empress then mentioned the Prince's two sons, who were, 
she said, "very gifted." 

"The eldest, Prince Victor, is a charming young man 
whom my son likes very much." 

"I know he is charming," answered M. Duval; "but 
to reach the son you have first to pass the father." 

"Evidently," concluded the Empress, "one cannot 
pass over Prince Napoleon." 

I have purposely quoted this remark, because it cer- 
tainly expresses the Empress's real opinion. She was far 
from suspecting that at that moment her son's will, which 
disinherited Prince Napoleon, was lying in a sealed box 
at the bottom of a cupboard in the very room (unless I am 
mistaken, it was the Prince's smoking-room) where she 
was speaking. 

Those who have known the Empress will hardly recog- 
nize her in the speech previously quoted, in which she 
explains her son's motives. The fact is that she held Raoul 
Duval's view even more strongly than Raoul Duval him- 
self. She did not tell him of her frantic efforts to keep the 
Prince in Europe. But she could not hide from him the 

291 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

evidences of the torturing anxiety caused by the depress- 
ing rumors which had been spread about since the 
Prince's departure. Two forged telegrams had been cir- 
culated, one of which was published in the Figaro. Ac- 
cording to this, a steamer coming from the Cape had 
called at Madeira on May lo, and brought news of the 
Prince Imperial's serious illness. All this was nothing 
but malicious invention, as it was discovered later, from 
official information, that no steamer from the Cape had 
called at Madeira for some time. If the Prince had been 
seriously ill the Empress would have been the first person 
to hear of it from the faithful Uhlmann, the devoted 
servant who had accompanied her son to Africa. 

The Empress wished to appear easy in her mind, but 
she was not so in reality. She did not tell Raoul Duval 
that her anxiety increased from day to day, and was con- 
suming her. In fact, she was so obsessed by it that she 
determined to go to Africa herself. Queen Victoria, who 
was informed of this, at once endeavored to persuade the 
Duke of Cambridge, the Commander-in-Chief, to urge 
the Prince to return to Europe, and Lord Wolseley, who 
was on the point of leaving England to replace Lord 
Chelmsford at the head of the troops in Zululand, was 
entrusted, it was said, with the orders for the Prince's 
return. 

But the fatal event of June I forestalled him. As 
no cable existed at that time between London and the 
Cape, the news of the death of the Prince Imperial took 
three weeks to transmit to Madeira, where it was known 
on June 20. The same day it reached the British Gov- 
ernment, but directly Queen Victoria was apprized of 
the dreadful tidings, her first thought was to spare her 
friend the horror of first reading of her son's fate in the 

292 



The Fatal News 



morning papers. The Queen therefore sent the Lord 
High Chamberlain, Lord Sydney, to Camden Place to 
break the news to the Empress. 

The age and rank of the Due de Bassano entitled him 
to the cruel distinction of conveying this dreadful message 
to his Sovereign, and the poor man remembered the morn- 
ing of June 21 to his dying day. The moment that he 
entered the Empress's room she read tragedy in the 
agitated face of the old Duke. 

"Is my son ill?" cried the Empress. 

There was no reply. 

"Is he wounded? ... I will leave for Africa at 
once." 

Still there was silence. Thereupon the Empress rose 
from where she was sitting and walked up to the unhappy 
Duke. She looked straight into his eyes, but he could 
not meet her gaze. Then she understood, and, uttering 
one heartbroken cry, she fell fainting into the arms of 
her old Chamberlain. The Empress remained in this 
pitiable condition, shattered and broken, one fainting fit 
succeeding the other, all that fatal day. Those around 
her feared for her life, and it was only at the end of several 
days that she regained strength to face her overwhelming 
sorrow and to fulfil the duties which circumstances de- 
manded of her. Her first thought was to let both the 
French and the English know that she wished no one to 
suffer in his person or in his position on account of the 
event of June i. Another wish, equally near to her 
heart, was to establish that her son had no share of re- 
sponsibility for the loss of the two soldiers who fell with 
him at Ityotyozi, or, to put it plainly, that he was not in 
command that day. 

The Prince, however, was not in command of the 

293 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

expedition; Captain Carey was in charge of the party 
and had selected the spot where they halted. That 
Captain Carey was actually in command appears from 
the following considerations: 

1. He was of English nationality. 

2. He was the Prince's senior in military rank. 

3. He had been entrusted with this particular mission 

by his chief, Colonel Harrison. 

4. He admitted it himself in a letter written to his wife 

on the evening of June I, the contents of which 
were afterwards communicated to the Empress. 

5. The Prince himself confirmed it by these four 

words, the last entry in his pocket-book: 
"Escort under Captain Carey." 

These facts are indisputable; they have never been 
contradicted, and cannot be contradicted by any fresh 
evidence. 

However, the desire to throw further light on this 
point, already abundantly clear, was one of the reasons 
which determined the Empress to undertake, in the fol- 
lowing year, a long and difficult journey. In my book, 
*'L^ Prince Imperial, Souvenirs et Documents,^^ ^ I have 
already published a letter in which the Empress told M. 
Franceschini Pietri of her resolve and gave him her 
reasons. But this letter is so beautiful, even in its in- 
coherence, it reveals in such an arresting manner the rare 
personality of its writer, that I cannot resist the tempta- 
tion to reproduce it here. The Empress writes: 

"... I feel myself drawn towards this pilgrimage as 
strongly as the disciples of Christ must have felt drawn 

^ Paris, Hachette et Cie., 1912 (Translator's Note). 
294 



Queen Victoria's Solicitude 



towards the Holy Places. The thought of seeing, of re- 
tracing the stages of my beloved son's last journey, of 
seeing with my own eyes the scene upon which his dying 
gaze has rested, of passing the anniversary of the night 
of the 1st of June watching and praying alone with his 
memory, is for me a spiritual necessity and an aim in life. 
Since the end of the war has allowed me to regard this 
possibility more hopefully, it has become my dominant 
thought. . . . This thought sustains me and gives me 
fresh courage; without it I should never have sufficient 
strength to endure my life, and I should allow myself to 
be submerged in my sorrow, ... I am under no delusions 
as to the painful experiences which await me in Africa, or 
the long and trying sea voyage and the strain of a hurried 
journey, but all this vanishes when I think of Itelezi. . . ." 

Queen Victoria displayed the greatest solicitude for 
the Empress, and she insisted that a general officer should 
act as her escort in order to watch over her safety and 
render her journey as easy as possible in an uncivilized 
country, possessing but few resources in case of need, 
and one in which peace was barely reestablished. 
This general officer was Sir Evelyn Wood, afterwards 
raised to the rank of Field-Marshal, a distinguished 
writer as well as a distinguished soldier. He was accom- 
panied by two old friends of the Prince — Captain Slade, 
who has since risen to a high position in the army, and 
Captain Bigge, now Lord Stamfordham and secretary to 
King George V. The Empress had also with her Napo- 
leon de Bassano, son of the Duke,i and Dr. Scott, who 
had served as an army surgeon throughout the campaign 
of the preceding year. Lady Wood and another lady, the 

^ Napoleon, Marquis de Bassano, later the third and last Duke, was one of the most 
sympathetic figures in Imperialist circles. He died in 1906. 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

widow of an officer killed at Ulundi, who was bound on a 
similar pilgrimage of love, accompanied Her Majesty. 

The Empress left England on March 28, and when the 
steamer arrived at Madeira the Governor of the island 
and the Portuguese admiral arrived on board in full-dress 
uniform, bearing a telegram from their Sovereign to the 
Empress. She had nevertheless already notified the 
Chevalier d'Antas, the Portuguese Ambassador in Lon- 
don, that she neither would nor could receive any visitor 
during the journey, and she did not, therefore, leave 
her stateroom to receive these officials. She arrived at 
Cape Town on the morning of April 16, and went to 
Government House, where the Prince had stayed a year 
before, and she was, even as he had been, the object of the 
most touching and respectful solicitude. On April 18 the 
Empress wrote to M. Pletrl: 

"We have arrived at Cape Town after twenty days' 
journey. I can well understand the tedium which my 
poor boy must have endured, as the voyage Is most monot- 
onous, and the heat Is Intense near the Equator. I have 
never slept a single night! I found here on my arrival 
the d^Estrees, the French dispatch vessel which was com- 
manded by M. Des Varannes when he fell 111 with yellow 
fever. ... I would not land at Madeira, and since my 
arrival at Cape Town I have only been In the garden of 
Government House. I cannot express to you what I felt 
when I entered this house, the first halting place of my 
beloved son! . . ." 

April 18 fell on a Sunday that year, and I see from a 
letter which the Marquis de Bassano wrote the next day 
to M. Pletrl that the Empress went out to hear Mass, and 
that she received an affectionate telegram from Queen 

296 



Public Sympathy in South Africa 



Victoria. The Marquis visited the castle where 
Cetewayo, the King of the Zulus, was imprisoned, and 
Cetewayo exprest in very suitable terms, through the 
medium of an interpreter, his regret at the death of the 
Prince. It is well known that, directly Cetewayo realized 
the European importance of the event of June i, he 
sent back of his own accord the Prince's sword to the 
authorities. But he could tell nothing of the details of 
that day's happenings. 

The Empress took steamer again at Cape Town, and 
after several days' journey she reached Durban, whence 
she traveled to Maritzburg. From there she wrote on 
May 3 toM. Pietri: 

"My reception everywhere is of the most touching 
character; not a sound, not a shout, but a respectful silence 
similar to that which one tries to maintain in a sick room, 
and everyone uncovers his head. Even the blacks seem 
to understand that she to whom God has given so much, 
yet from whom He has taken, one by one, all the gifts 
which He had bestowed, leaving her the heart's bitterness 
as her only companion, is indeed past all wishes. ... I 
saw some Sisters this morning who have prayed over my 
lost beloved one. Everybody speaks of him in terms 
which make my grief more intense, but which at the same 
time appeal to my pride as a mother. . . . Oh, why was 
he taken so soon, and why was I left behind? ... I do 
not know exactly where this letter will find you, but give 
your news of me to those who are anxious to hear, if any 
still exist. . . ." 

The journey up country began in the first days of May. 
A letter from M. de Bassano furnishes some details as 

to the actual conditions in which it was made. This letter 

297 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

is dated from Seven Oaks (South Africa), the third stage 
of the journey. It is as follows: 

"My dear Friend, — I am writing a few hurried words 
to tell you that all goes well up to the present time. The 
Empress is not too fatigued with the journey, although 
unfortunately she is sleeping badly. . . . Our slow progress 
gets terribly on her nerves; although she keeps her feel- 
ings well under control, I can see plainly that her sadness 
increases day by day. I dare not picture her grief when 
we arrive at Itelezi! 

"She travels with Lady Wood in a carriage driven 
by the general himself, and the carriage has been made 
as comfortable as possible. The days are very warm, and 
the nights are cool. The Empress's tent is wonderfully 
well arranged. We have with us as escort twenty of the 
Natal Mounted Police, and we number in all seventy-five 
persons and two hundred animals, horses and mules, the 
greater part supplied by the Government. . . . 

"Please give our news to Corvisart, and tell him that 
Scott says he has written to him by each mail." 

On May ii the Empress wrote toM. Pietri: 

"... One can almost imagine it possible to trace his 
footprints, so far is one from mankind in these immense 
solitudes. . . . And, as the moment approaches when we 
shall reach our journey's end, I am torn between im- 
patience to arrive there, and dread ... I should wish 
to stay there for as long as I have courage to remain." 

And again on May 23 : 

"... We shall arrive on the 25th — that is to say, on 
Tuesday. I shall like that better than this long waiting, 
which terribly unnerves me. . . . 

298 



Empress Eugenie in Zululand 



"I am very tired. I have been suffering with fever 
for some days. The weather has been shocking; one 
night at Kambula we thought that our tents would have 
been swept away by the heavy rain and the strong wind. 
That very day was the worst day of the fever. . . ." 

The travelers did actually reach their destination on 
the evening of the 25th. The Empress's tent was pitched 
near the kraal in front of which the Prince Imperial 
halted for the last time. She told me later that she had 
come out of her tent that evening, and walked straight to 
the fatal spot where her son fell, alone and unguided save 
by her own sorrowful intuition. But she had not found 
it as she had imagined and expected. Near the cairn 
raised by the soldiers on the morning of June 2, 1879, a 
cross had been erected by order of Queen Victoria. All 
vestige of the grass trodden by her son and watered with 
his blood in his last fight had disappeared beneath a layer 
of white cement, surrounded by an iron railing. The 
soil of the donga had been carefully raked as far as the 
top of the banks which bordered it. The two soldiers and 
the Basuto guide who were killed in the skirmish of 
June I at the same time as the Prince were buried a few 
paces away, with the result that the spot presented the 
peaceful and orderly appearance of an English cemetery 
instead of that of a wild ravine which had witnessed a 
scene of death and carnage. The Empress thus ex- 
perienced a bitter disappointment, if one can rightly apply 
this commonplace word to this particular instance. 

We see from a letter of M. de Bassano that her feel- 
ings were understood and shared by all her companions, 
and the very next day Captain Slade busied himself in 
removing the layer of cement which greatly offended the 

299 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

eyes of the Empress. This letter, dated May 29, tells us 
that she was constantly going backwards and forwards 
from the kraal to the donga. 
M. de Bassano writes: 

"... The Empress can see from her tent the road 
taken by the Prince from the kraal to the donga; and 
as it is exactly the same season, the maize and the grasses 
are the same height as they were this time last year. As 
she goes from her tent to the donga she can picture the 
poor Prince, running by the side of his horse, vainly trying 
to mount him, and prevented from so doing by the tall 
grass (taller than myself by 30 or 40 centimeters), cross- 
ing a first branch of the donga, climbing a bank, and 
then stopping to meet his foes in a small hollow be- 
fore one reaches the main donga — ^which was crost by 
Carey at a point eighty paces away from the Prince with 
great ease, as we have all been able to verify for our- 
selves. The Empress is continually going over this tragic 
road, and passes most of her time in what we may now 
call the cemetery." 

June I. 

"She has planted with her own hands the willow 
and the ivy which we brought from Camden Place. 
Yesterday morning the Empress insisted upon going 
alone to find the spot selected by the Prince for the camp 
of the second division, where he made his last sketch; 
in order to do this she had to walk for over three 
hours. I accompanied her in the afternoon, and 
we went over the same ground together. . . . She ate 
nothing all day; her wonderful energy alone sustained 
her, and she walked with a sort of feverish strength. . . . 

300 



What the Zulus Said 



"I have already told you, I think, that we had arranged 
to have collected here as many as possible of the Zulus 
who took part in the attack of June i. Eighteen 
men have come, about the same number are still 
missing. As the Empress wished that the inquiry should 
be conducted by General Sir Evelyn Wood, he began to 
question the Zulus the day after our arrival. I am the 
only other person present at these examinations, which 
have now lasted three days. Nothing is more painful than 
to find one's self face to face with these savages, and to 
listen to them explaining how they pursued and killed our 
poor dear Prince, accompanying their recital with what 
they consider appropriate gestures, and which are horribly 
significant ! Up to now we cannot draw any very certain 
conclusions from their confused and often contradictory 
accounts; but they all agree that the Prince turned and 
fought like a lion, and fired three revolver shots, and that 
they left the medals on his corpse, as their custom is not 
to despoil of their neck ornaments brave men who die 
fighting. They all confirm the flight of Captain Carey, 
and they showed us the place where he crossed the donga, 
eighty paces above the point where the Prince stopt. 
We have crost the donga on horseback, with the Em- 
press, exact'y at the same place, and we have verified 
that it is impossible not to have seen from it the whole 
of the hollow now occupied by the cairn and the cross; 
one of the Zulus even told us that, if the fugitives 
had but turned round, they would have stopt the 
pursuit. . . . 

"^tt revoir, my dear friend, I often think of you and 
how much you would wish to be with us near this fatal 
donga where passed away the last of the family which we 
have both served with such affection." 

301 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

On her side, the Empress wrote toM. Pietri: 

"Ityotyozi Kraal, May 30, 1880. 

"My dear Monsieur Pietri, — You are doubtless 
aware that I am only a few steps from the place where my 
beloved son rested before he was surprized by the Zulus. 
Here also I take my rest, but I do not sleep, my soul 
is full of bitterness, regrets, and sorrow; it Is a curious 
thing, but I can only find peace near these stones which 
mark the spot where he fell, fighting, with his last breath, 
*like a lion,' as the Zulus say. . . . 

"If you were to see this spot, you would understand 
the surprize attack and the events which followed it, but 
what one cannot understand is how this man left a brother 
officer and two soldiers to their fate without giving them 
the least support. I have retraced for myself the road 
which he took, and he must have seen the Prince and heard 
the revolver shots, because we have experimented with 
one, and the man who was sent in Carey's tracks heard 
the shots quite plainly. ... It fills my heart with bit- 
terness to think that this precious life has been so 
wantonly sacrificed, and that this child, left alone, fell 
fighting like a brave soldier with no witnesses of his 
courage except a handful of savages one degree removed 
from the brute! . . . 

"But I cannot speak of him any more; my heart over- 
flows, and the wound bleeds anew and is powerless to heal. 
Even though I summon all my pride as a mother, yet I 
feel that my love is the stronger. . . . But what gives me 
courage to plunge into this abyss of sorrow is the knowl- 
edge that this may have caused him a pang of regret ^ at 

1 The Empress evidently meant to say that the Prince may have regretted that 
none but savages were present to witness his last fight. 

302 



A Strange Happening 



the moment of death, and I owe it to his memory to let 
the world realize the man that he was." 

The Empress passed the night of June 1-2 in prayer 
by the cairn. Of the emotions of the night nothing is said 
in the letters now before me; but the Empress herself 
told me something of them in our touching interview 
at Coombe Cottage. 

"More than once," she said, "I noticed black forms 
on the top of the banks, which moved silently about and 
watched me through the tall grasses. This scrutiny was 
full of curiosity, but it was not hostile. I believe these 
savages wished rather to express their sympathy and their 
pity! . . . And doubtless these were the very men who 
had killed my son on the same spot. . . . 

"Towards morning a strange thing happened. Al- 
though there was not a breath of air, the flames of the 
candles were suddenly deflected, as if someone wished to 
extinguish them, and I said to him: *Is it indeed you 
beside me.^* Do you wish me to go away?' . . ." 

Thereupon she withdrew to her tent. 

I do not know which day she left Ityotyozi, but from 
that moment she fell into a state of prostration which 
alarmed her companions. On June 17 she wrote to M. 
Pietri from Mooi River: 

"This letter will reach you by the mail which precedes 
our arrival. I am excessively tired and anxious for phys- 
ical rest, as for fifty days we have slept under canvas. 
In two days we shall once more have a roof over our heads, 
and I am counting the hours, as all the interest which pre- 
viously sustained me is now over. 

"I wish particularly to find at Camden Place only its 
usual occupants, and these only if they desire it. My one 

303 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

longing is for rest; any visit would be unwelcome at 
present. 

"Besides, the farther I travel down the sorrowful road 
of life the greater is my need for rest and solitude. No- 
body can fill the immense void which has opened in my 
existence, and to see people only wearies me without bring- 
ing comfort to my heart. ..." 



304 



CHAPTER XV 

FORTY YEARS OF SILENCE 

THE last political act of the Empress took place in 
the year 1883, when Prince Napoleon was arrested 
and imprisoned for several days in the Conciergerie. 
The son of King Jerome always believed — he told me 
so himself — that the Empress was responsible for the 
hostility displayed by her son towards himself. I tried 
in vain to convince him that he was wrong; as a matter of 
fact, this idea was absolutely untrue. If there had been 
any need to excite the Prince Imperial against his cousin, 
who always treated him as a negligible quantity, or as a 
child lacking intelligence and will-power, while himself 
compromising the Bonapartist cause by his professions of 
republicanism and anti-catholicism, a number of the Prince 
Imperial's friends would have been only too glad to have 
fanned the flame. The truth is that the Prince, of his 
own initiative, entertained a violent personal animosity 
against Prince Napoleon, and was resolved to fight him 
without mercy whenever he crossed his path. Those who 
are in doubt on this point can read in the book I have 
written on the Prince Imperial certain quotations from 
remarks made by him which show his feelings on this 
point perfectly clearly. 

It was in this frame of mind that on the night of Feb- 
ruary 25-26, 1879, he wrote down his last wishes, and 
excluded Prince Napoleon from the succession, substitut- 
ing as his heir Prince Victor, the eldest son of Prince 
Napoleon. The Empress, although she never contested 

305 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

her son's will, Was of an entirely different opinion, and 
if the Prince had consulted her before drawing up this 
will, it is probable that she would have warned him of the 
serious consequences of this action. "Take care," she 
might have said to him, "if you make Prince Victor your 
heir, to the exclusion of his father, you will nullify the 
Senatorial decisions upon which the Empire was founded, 
and by virtue of which you hold your own rights." The 
Prince would doubtless have replied that Prince Napoleon 
had forfeited any right to invoke in his own favor either 
these Senatorial decisions, or the plebiscites of the Em- 
pire, inasmuch as he had renounced the Imperial tradi- 
tions by avowing himself a Republican. I shall not pass 
any personal opinion on these two points of view — the 
reader must judge for himself. 

The events of the year 1883 afforded the Empress an 
opportunity of making known her views, which she did in 
a very clear, simple and modest way, without any theat- 
rical display. She came to Paris, and stopt at the 
Hotel du Rhin, as by selecting this particular hotel 
she plainly showed that she wished her action to be re- 
garded as one of political significance. It was at this 
same Hotel du Rhin that Queen Hortense stayed for some 
time in 1831 with her son Louis Napoleon, and their 
sojourn caused Louis Philippe's Government a good deal 
of embarrassment.^ At this time I read in some of the 
newspapers that the Empress had had an interview with 
the Prince in the Conciergerie. Nothing of the kind 
happened. The Empress never entertained the slightest 

^ I have heard the Emperor relate an incident connected with this sojourn which 
had greatly imprest him. From a window in the hotel he had seen a man throw 
himself from the top of the Colonne Vendome; his body was shattered on 
the pavement below. Was this a warning? He often asked himself this question at the 
time. 

306 



Prince Napoleon and the Nation 

idea of asking permission to see the Prince, and if she had 
wished to do so her request would most certainly have 
been refused. But she asked the heads of the Bonapartist 
party to meet her at the Hotel du Rhin. She talked to 
them very earnestly touching the errors of Prince Na- 
poleon. "I have forgiven him, why cannot you do the 
same.^" she said to them. "Do you not see that this 
is the only means of preserving the unity and even the 
existence of our party?" The gentlemen thus addrest 
answered: "It is not a question with us of personal griev- 
ances, and we have not the right to show the same gen- 
erosity as your Majesty. Our followers will never con- 
sent to accept the leadership of a man who refuses to 
recognize what constitutes the strength of the Empire — 
that is to say, the combination of the monarchist and 
democratic principles, and who opposes with all his 
might the accepted religion of the French nation. To 
accept such a man as our chief would inevitably bring 
about in a short time the dissolution of the Imperialist 
party, which your Majesty foresees and dreads so greatly.'* 

The Empress was thus unable to make any impression 
on the Bonapartist leaders, but Prince Napoleon appeared 
grateful to her for her intervention, and on the following 
1st of June he was present, wearing the Grand Cordon of 
the Legion of Honor, in the little church of St. Mary at 
Chislehurst at the celebration of Mass on the anniversary 
of the death of the Prince Imperial. When I entered the 
sacristy after Mass, the Empress whispered to me: "Prince 
Napoleon is there; go and pay your respects to him; 
we must be nice to him." 

The original intention of the Empress was to retain 
Camden Place as a permanent residence, or to build a 
house in the vicinity. But she was now more anxious 

307 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

about the housing of her beloved dead than about her own, 
and it was impossible to find a suitable spot for a new 
church in the neighborhood of Chislehurst. The exist- 
ing church was very small and mean, and the new chapel 
which had been built on to it to receive the remains of 
Napoleon III was the only addition possible owing to 
lack of space and the impossibility of acquiring more land. 
The Prince's tomb rested under a narrow side arch, incom- 
pletely partitioned off, and it was evident that such a 
resting-place could not be regarded as permanent. The 
Empress eventually decided to purchase a property in 
Hampshire, not far from Aldershot Camp, which had 
formerly belonged to Mr. Longman, the well-known 
publisher. The park is large, and extends across the road 
from Aldershot to Sandhurst. This part of the property* 
is thickly wooded, and contains a small lake; it is known 
as "Compiegne." There are many beautiful conserva- 
tories in the park, and a residence formerly occupied by 
MacLaren, the old Steward. There is also extensive 
stabling, which, however, has remained unused since the 
Empress gave up her horses and carriages for the exclusive 
use of automobiles. 

The stables have now been converted into a museum, 
containing many interesting souvenirs, which will doubt- 
less be transferred later to the projected annex of the 
Malmaison. 

The original house was merely a hunting-seat, but the 
new owner at once realized the possibilities of the place, 
and made extensive alterations, which were not completed 
when she took up her residence. Various buildings have 
been added to the existing ones within the last few years, 
and now Farnborough Hill is a magnificent residence 

^ On the western side of the road mentioned (Translator's Note). 
308 



At Farnborough Hill 



worthy of comparison with those noble ancestral homes 
which are the glory of the English countryside. 

The Empress has invested the residence, both inside 
and outside, with her own personality, and one can best 
describe Farnborough Hill as a mansion in mourning. A 
mist rises from the woods and envelopes the landscape in 
a veil which never disappears even in the brightest days 
of summer. The mansion stands on a hill, bordered by 
tall trees, and dominates the melancholy country which it 
overlooks. The stranger who approaches it must, I 
imagine, surely feel that Farnborough shelters a great life, 
which has been sorely wounded by the terrible blows of 
Fate and is here slowly awaiting the end. 

When one first enters the house the vague melancholy 
of the exterior defines itself as one wanders down the 
deserted, dimly-lit galleries, where every sound of foot- 
falls and of voices acquires a peculiar emphasis. The walls 
are hung with innumerable works of art, which recall a 
great artist or some cherished memory. The house con- 
stitutes an incomparable record of history, and in the 
evening, when a single ray of electric light leaves the spec- 
tator in shadow and sheds its white radiance over pictures 
and statues, a vanished world springs into life, peopled 
with those once well-known figures who are the real in- 
habitants of the dwelling, and when the Empress passes 
in the midst of them one is almost tempted to believe that 
she, too, is a shadow of the Past. 

But even before occupying herself with her own accom- 
modation the Empress was anxious to find a suitable 
resting-place for her dead. The first time that my wife 
and I visited Farnborough the Empress conducted us 
through the park to a little gate which opened on to a 
lonely road, and after having crossed the bridge over the 

309 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

line from London to Portsmouth, we ascended a pine- 
covered hill, where certain red marks indicated the trees 
to be cut down. It was on this hill that the church was 
eventually built which serves as a last resting-place for 
the Imperial dead. The construction of this church was 
entrusted to M. d'Estailleur, an architect from Paris, to 
whom are due many remarkable buildings in France 
which entitle him to a worthy place in our architectural 
history. The building was completed in four years, and in 
1887 the bodies of Napoleon III and his son were trans- 
ported from the Church of St. Mary, at Chislehurst, to 
the crypt at Farnborough. The tombs occupy both sides 
of the underground chapel; a special pew marks the place 
where the Empress kneels in prayer when Mass is cele- 
brated in the crypt, and behind the altar is the selected 
place where she will lie between her husband and her son. 
One day the Empress pointed out to me the long winding 
avenue which goes from the church door to the Aldershot 
road and said: "Look, this will be my last drive!" 

Other buildings were constructed at the same time as 
the church for the residence of the four monks of the Order 
of the Premontres, whose duty was to act as guardians of 
the tombs. These monks have, however, now been re- 
placed by a community of Benedictines expelled from 
Solesmes, who have at their head an abbot ranking as a 
bishop. More buildings have since been added to the 
original ones, and forty monks now form the inmates of the 
monastery. The Benedictine Fathers have again taken 
up those pious and learned works which were interrupted 
by persecution, and — such is the irony of life — they still 
receive a subsidy from the government which exiled them! 

The Empress was also desirous of possessing a resi- 
dence on French soil, but she waited to accomplish her 

310 



The Villa at Cap Martin 



wish until she thought political passions were sufficiently 
calmed down to allow her to live in France without any 
unpleasantness for herself, or any disturbance of the 
public peace resulting. Her choice of a site for her French 
home fell on a pine-covered stretch of land at Cap Martin, 
near Mentone. A villa was accordingly built there 
by her order, to which she gave the old Greek name for 
Corsica, in token of her affection for the island which 
gave the Bonapartes birth. The Villa Cyrnos is so con- 
structed that a view of the Mediterranean can be obtained 
from every side. As a background are Monte Carlo and 
the Rock of Monaco, bathed in a blue mist. It is easy 
to understand that this villa gives the visitor a very 
different impression from the severe and majestic Farn- 
borough, on which rests continually the shadow of mourn- 
ing. I myself experienced the charm and the happy atmos- 
phere which all visitors sense, when I stayed at the Villa 
Cyrnos for some days in April and May, 1907, after having 
inaugurated Merimee's monument at Cannes. The Villa 
is on two floors, with the exception of a raised portion at 
one end which contains the rooms reserved by the affec- 
tionate solicitude of the Empress for her old and devoted 
follower, M. Franceschini Pietri, and from here one can 
best enjoy the wonderful sea view in the direction of 
Monaco. The reception rooms, which form an entire suite 
on the ground floor, are approached by a wide terrace, 
where the Empress passes a great part of her time. On 
this terrace Mile. Bartet recited to the Empress some 
verses from one of her best parts, and fortunately this 
charming scene has been preserved for us in a photograph 
taken at the time. 

"You have heard me say," added the Empress, when 
she had finished telling me about this incident, "with 

3" 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

what rapture I applauded Rachel when I was quite a child. 
My passion for Art has not grown cold with the passing of 
years, but I cannot go forth in search of Art; Art must 
now seek me, and bring with her all her delights to gladden 
me in my retreat. Presently you shall hear my gramo- 
phone, which now enables me to listen to and enjoy entire 
operas without troubling to go outside my own house!" 

So, after lunch, we sat in the hall at the foot of the 
wide staircase, and listened to the gramophone, one of the 
most perfect I have ever heard. One could recognize the 
soul and the individual genius of great artistes dominating 
the background of choral and instrumental music. 

Another memory which I retain of my visit to Cyrnos 
concerns M. Germain Bapst, the well-known and pains- 
taking historian who has specialized in the history of the 
events of 1870. M. Bapst had written to M. Dugue de 
la Fauconnerie, who had been a witness of, or an actor in, 
nearly all these happenings, concerning a delicate his- 
torical point, and in his turn M. Dugue consulted M. Pietri. 
As M. Bapst's request arrived during my stay at Cyrnos, 
I was present when M. Pietri appealed to the Empress's 
personal memories. The question at issue concerned an 
interview which took place in the Tuileries on August 7, 
1870, between the Regent and the delegates of the par- 
liamentary groups loyal to the dynasty, and I was greatly 
imprest by the unerring precision with which Her 
Majesty remembered all the names, facts, and words in 
their correct form and order. Which of us at her age, 
after a lapse of thirty-seven years, would be capable of 
giving such accurate evidence? 

It is well known that the Empress presented her prop- 
erty of Arenenberg, which recalled too vividly the happy 
youth of her son, to the Canton of Thurgovia, which in 

312 



The Empress Voyaging 



former days had behaved so honorably towards the Bona- 
partes. But there Is still a third residence where, during 
the last twenty-five years, the Empress has passed some 
peaceful and not entirely unhappy days. I allude to her 
yacht The Thistle, on which she has taken so many cruises 
in the Mediterranean, and round the coasts of Ireland, 
Scotland, and Norway. The yacht was at Corfu on one 
occasion when there was an outburst of popular feeling 
against the Jews, and the Empress could not resist the 
temptation to put forward, on behalf of the persecuted 
race, certain pleas of common sense and Christian forgive- 
ness which were happily productive of good results. 

The love of the sea and the passion for travel lured 
her still farther afield. She decided to see Egypt once 
again, and she revisited, as an unobtrusive tourist, the 
same places where, In 1869, she had displayed for the last 
time the pomp and circumstance of the Empire then des- 
tined so soon to disappear. The Empress wanted to go 
as far as Khartoum, but her entourage stopt her on the 
way, as they feared the eff'ect which the terrible tropical 
heat might have on her health. 

Another year the Empress touched at Ceylon, and I 
am sure that she has always regretted that she never really 
saw India, a country she would have loved to have known 
and understood. She always manifested a kind of re- 
spectful tenderness towards the ancient civilizations of 
the world, whilst, on the other hand, she took a keen and 
intelligent interest In all new Ideas. Her attention was 
equally arrested by the mention of Edison and by that of 
Buddha, and I remember that she spoke of Marconi to 
me at a time when wireless telegraphy was still almost a 
myth. "He has promised that the first wireless message 
from New York to Europe shall be sent to me," she said, 

313 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

but I do not know whether Marconi ever redeemed his 
promise. 

The Empress differed indeed from the majority of old 
people who live only in the past, and who do not wish to 
know anything about modern developments, new dis- 
coveries, or new attitudes of mind. Religiously faithful 
to her old friendships — at least to such as Time had still 
left her — the Empress was always ready to reciprocate 
new affections in the circle where she had formerly found 
the old. Talent, youth, never ceased to exercise their 
potent spell which she did not try to resist. After the 
parents came the children, and after the children 
came the grandchildren, and I have lived long enough 
to see the Empress surrounded by three generations in 
turn. 

Those who have visited Farnborough and Cyrnos 
during the last twenty years may have met there Solange 
de Lesseps, the young cousin of the Empress, now Com- 
tesse de Mora, her niece Madame d'Attainville, Princess 
de la Moskowa, daughter of Prince Charles Bona- 
parte, Her Majesty's two great-nephews, the Duke 
of Alva and the Comte de Mora; Comte Walewski, the 
Comte Chevreau, the Comte Clary, son of the Clary who 
served the Prince Imperial in his exile, after having 
watched over him during the campaign of 1870, and lastly 
the young writer who bears with so much distinction the 
heritage of a great name, to whom the Empress gave the 
inspiration some years ago for a charming book — ^M. 
Lucien Daudet. 

I could doubtless mention a host of others if the hope- 
less state of my sight had not so often debarred me from 
availing myself of the Empress's kind hospitality. 

But alas! death has of late been busy in her personal 

314 



Reminiscence 



entourage. The old servants, the faithful companions of 
exile, have disappeared one by one, and I must not here 
forget the oldest, most devoted and most faithful of them 
all — ^M. Franceschini Pietri, my old and very dear friend, 
whose death leaves a vacant place never to be filled. 
After me none will remain of those who surrounded the 
Imperial Family in 1 871, and who were known as the 
"Little Court" of Camden Place. 

When these lines appear the Empress Eugenie will 
be no more, but she shall not descend into the oblivion 
to which the twentieth century respectfully consigns the 
greater number of the Royal personages of the nineteenth. 

Rejuvenated by death she shall live once more in her 
poetic beauty, in her exquisite grace as on the day when 
Love took her by the hand and led her to a Throne, that 
day when the French nation, even the enemies of the 
dynasty, fell in love with her; she shall become once more 
what she was for twenty years — the principal figure in a 
wonderful picture, the incarnation of French Society at a 
time when France swayed the world by her thought and 
by the might of her arms, above all when she was 
dazzlingly preeminent in the domain of art and taste, 
and enjoyed an incomparable and fascinating social 
prestige. Those who remember these things and explore 
the history of those times cannot but recall the Empress 
and pay homage to her memory. Her name will tell the 
whole story; her image will be the symbol of the time when 
she lived and reigned. 

But those who knew her well — and how few they are 
to-day — ^will refuse to see in her only the brilliant per- 
sonification of the elegance and splendor of the Second 
Empire. Even when to the triumphs of the lovely 

31S 



Recollections of the Empress Eugenie 

woman, whose beauty enhanced the brilliance of the 
Crown diamonds, one adds the devotion of the " Sister of 
Charity of Amiens," one is still far from doing justice to 
her memory, or of appreciating her as she really was. Her 
individuality was peculiarly her own — she differed in 
everything from that society at the head of which circum- 
stances had placed her, and of which, by some strange and 
obstinate irony of Fate, she will remain the accepted type 
in the eyes of future generations. No — the Empress did 
not belong to the time or the environment in which I knew 
her; she never thoroughly understood the characters of 
the men and women by whom she was surrounded; hence 
arose in her a wonder and astonishment which she never 
entirely shook off. Those around her were jesters or 
selfish schemers, whilst she gave herself over to dreams or 
generous indignation; and she remained a convinced 
idealist in the midst of a society bent wholly upon ma- 
terial ends. 

She adored what her world looked upon with contempt, 
and she treated with contempt those things which that 
world worshiped. A glance at the notebooks in which 
she wrote down the reflections inspired by her reading or 
the words which had imprest her would have sufficed to 
reveal the entire lack of sympathy and understanding 
which existed between herself and those who surrounded 
her. She did not understand these people, and they never 
understood her. 

This woman, so much admired, was, in reality, very 
little known, notwithstanding the fact that she lived for 
twenty years in the fierce light which universal curiosity 
throws upon a throne. But when the imagination of the 
masses once takes hold of a false conception of a character 
it is difficult indeed to remove the delusion. 

316 



The Empress and the Great War 

I have endeavored in the foregoing pages to destroy 
the "legend" of the Empress Eugenie, and to replace it 
by a true story, and also to present a life-like portrait, 
giving proofs of every statement and marshaling an array 
of facts which lend one another mutual support. More 
particularly it has been my object to make plain to the 
younger generation of Frenchmen, to whom the Empress 
is merely a name out of the distant past, the real and 
ardent patriotism of this woman, to whom a certain class 
of newspapers were wont to allude as "The Spaniard." 

Have I succeeded in proving that the Empress was a 
good and a great Frenchwoman? I honestly believe so, 
and I think that I shall have convinced at any rate all 
those in whose hearts undying vindictiveness does not 
perpetuate undying injustice. 

Those persons who have had the honor of meeting 
Her Majesty during the last two years (1914-1916) know 
with what an uplifted soul, with what indestructible faith, 
and with what ardent prayers for our heroic soldiers the 
Empress followed the varying phases of that terrible 
struggle which, dumb and trembling, we are watching 
to-day. 

Can it be that God will grant her the supreme con- 
solation of seeing before her death the final triumph and 
the glorious revenge of that beloved France, her true 
country, which, even as a child she dearly loved, over 
which she reigned for eighteen years, and which nothing 
ever succeeded in displacing from her heart? 



317 



INDEX 



AcHiLLE, Prince, 239 
Adelon, M., author s interview with, 92 
Aguado, Mme., 139 
at Chislehurst, 238 
at funeral of Emperor, 269 
Aldershot, Prince Imperial at, 282 
Alexander, Tsar, a sympathetic letter 

to Empress, 173 
Prince Imperial and, 289 
Alphand, M., 54 
Alsace, M. G.'s proposals regarding, 

and Bismarck's views, 220-1 
Alva, Duke of, 3 14 

Amiens, a cholera outbreak at, 30, 67 
Arenenberg, Empress at, 282 

presented to Canton of Thurgovia, 

312 
"Aumoniers des dernieres prieres," 

foundation of, 15 
Austria and Franco-Prussian War, 94 

Bacciochi and the Empress, 36 

presents Empress to Louis-Napoleon, 
21 
Bapst, M. Germain, 312 
Baraguay, Marshal, 100, IC39 
Baroche, M., 54 

Bartet, Mile., recites to Empress, 311 
Bartholony, M., at Chislehurst, 2^2 
Bazaine, Marshal, Bismarck mquires 
as to Regnier's credentials, 193 
court-martialed, 231 
devotion of, and of Metz Army, 216 
French feeling against, after Metz, 

230 
introduces Bourbaki to Regnier, 183 
loyalty to the Regent, 184 
Napoleon III resigns command in 

favor of, 115 
sends a negotiator to Bismarck, 203 
testifies to authenticity of Boyer's 
mission, 212 
Beatrice, Princess, accompanies Queen 
Victoria to Chislehurst, 241 
and Queen Victoria, 34 
BernstorfF, Count, 188 

an interview with Empress, 219 
transmits reply of King of Prussia 
to Empress, 223 
BernstorfF papers, two unknown tele- 
grams in, 226 (note) 
Bertrand, M., fences at Chislehurst, 252 
Beyle, Monsieur, 13, 16 
Biarritz, an interview with the Em- 
press at, 3 
life of the Empress at, 43 



Bibesco, Prince, 54 

Bigge, Captain (Lord Stamfordham), 
accompanies Empress to Itelezi, 295 
Bismarck, a query to Bazaine, 193 
conditions for peace treaty, 215 
conversations with General Boyer, 

202 et seq. 
his attitude towards a Republic for 

France, 115 
his one aim, 222 
his statements to Boyer a tissue of 

lies, 217 
in negotiation with Favre and Thiers, 

217 
interviews with Regnier, 181, 183, 189 
M. G.'s negotiations with, 201, 219, 

220 
on Regnier, 202 
on the French situation, 206 
Blanche, Mile., 107 
Blanqui incites to rebellion, 115 
Boissier, M., 54 

Bonapartist party. Empress and, 307 
Bonheur, Rosa, a decoration for, 31 
Borthwick, Algernon (Lord Glenesk), 

243 . 
Bourbaki, General, arrives at Chisle- 
hurst, 182 
at Prussian headquarters, 185 
personal position of, i88 
Regnier's conversations with, 183 
Bourbaki, Mme. Lebreton {see Lebre- 

ton-Bourbaki) 
Bousoatel, Edouard, informs author of 

capitulation of Sedan, 133 
Boyer, General, 182 (note), 183 
diary of, 202 
discloses conditions of peace to the 

Regent, 215 
informs Empress of capitulation or 

Metz, 226 
reaches Chislehurst, 211 
resumes conversations initiated by 

Regnier with Bismarck, 202 
returns to Metz, 21 1 
Brame, M., 112 
his portfolio in= General de Palikao's 
Cabinet, 110 
Brand, Mr., Speaker of the Commons, 

249 
Buckhurst, Lord (afterwards Earl de 

la Warr), 242 
Budaille, Theophore, 74 
Buffet, M., retirement of, 104 

spokesman of a deputation to the 
Empress, 145 



319 



Index 



Buioz, Franfois, 113 
Burgoyne, Lady, 168 
Burgoyne, Sir John, practical assist- 
ance to the Empress by, 167 
Busson-Billault, M., no, 112, 150, 280 

Cabarrus, M., 18 
Cambridge, Duke of, 287 
Camden Place, Chislehurst, a mysteri- 
ous crime at, 233 

the house described, 233 et seq. 
Campan, Mme., her "Memoirs," 75 
Canrobert, Marechale, at funeral of 

Emperor, 269 
Canrobert, Marshal, 184, 185 
Cap Martin, Empress at, 311 
Cape Town, Empress arrives at, 296 
Captain, loss of, 168 
Carabanchel, entertainments at, 18 
Carette, Mme., at Emperor's obse- 
quies, 269 
Carey incident, the, 294 et seq. 
Caro, M., and Empress, 37 
Cavendish, Lord Frederick, murder of, 242 
Cavendish, Lord George, 242 
Cetewayo, King of the Zulus, 297 
Ceylon, Empress at, 313 
Chabaud-Latour, General, lOO 

tribute to chairmanship of Empress, 
102 (note) 
Chalons, a council of war at, 116 
Charlotte, Empress, the tragedy of, 58 
Chelmsford, Lord, replaced by Lord 

Wolseley, 292 
Chevreau, Albert, 239 
Chevreau, Comte, 314 
Chevreau, Henri, no, 117, 150 

announces march of Crown Prince 
of Prussia on Paris, 122 

hands a fateful telegram to the Re- 
gent, 133 

his admiration of Empress's activi- 
ties, 113 

Prefet of the Seine, 100 
Chevreau, Leon, in, 201 

receives Regnier at Chislehurst, 189 

settles at Richmond, 239 
Chislehurst, an affecting scene at, 271 

Empress settles at, 180 

evenings at, 250 

funeral of Emperor at, 267 et seq. 

life at, 233 

Sundays at, 250 

the Emperor's study at, 246 

the Empress's rooms at, 236 

visit of Queen Victoria to, 241 
Clary, Comte, 265, 314 

an instance of Emperor's indiffer- 
ence to money matters, 279 (note) 

at Chislehurst, 238 
Clary, Comtesse, 97, 17c 
Cochin China declined by Germany, 221 



Coffinieres, General, commands town 

of Metz, 204, 206 
Compiegne, a love avowal at, 23 

the Empress as hostess at, 5 1 

visit of Tsar and Tsarina to, 52 
Conneau, Dr., and Dr. Germain See's 
diagnosis, 259 (note) 

at Chislehurst, 238 

at obsequies of Emperor, 265 
Conneau, Lieutenant Eugene, 97, 139 

at Hastings, 175 
Conneau, Louis, 84 

and the Prince Imperial, 56, 57 

at Chislehurst, 238 

authorized to follow course at Mili- 
tary Academy, Woolwich, 272 
Conti, Eugene, 158 

hears of capitulation of Sedan, 133 

illness of, 91 

moral courage of, 134 

the Empress's farewell to, 160 
Corfu, an anti-Semitic outburst at, 313 
Corps UgislatiJ, the, a deputation to 
Empress from, 145 

summoned by the Empress, 104 
Corvisart, Baron, 7, 27, 265 

at Chislehurst, 239 
Cowes, the Imperial family at, 2?6 
Cowley, Lord and Lady, at oosequies 

of Emperor, 268 
Cremieux, M., 188, 208 

D'Andelarre, Marquis, contradicts 

Ernest Picard, 125 
D'Anglas, Boissy, 126 
D'Antas, Chevalier, 296 
D'Antemarre, General, 100 
D'Arcos, Mme., 243 
Darimon, Alfred, 259 (note) 
D'Arjuzon, Comte, 164 
Daru, Comte, interviews Empress, 145 

retirement of, 104 
D'Attainville, Mme., 3 14 
Daudet, Lucien, 314 
Dauvergne, General, 183 
David, Jerome, 150, 239 

and M. Regnier, 181 

and M. Thiers, 132 

Minister of Public Works, no 

visits Empress at Chislehurst, 181 
Davillier, Comte, 265 

at Chislehurst, 239 
Davillier, Comtesse, at Chislehurst, 238 
D'Ayguesvives, Comte, introduces a 

deputation, 145 
De Bassano, Due, and obsequies of 
Emperor, 263, 268 

at Chislehurst, 238 

conveys fatal news to Empress, 293 

details of Empress's visit to Zulu- 
land, 297 et seq. 

visits Cetewayo's prison, 297 



320 



Index 



De Bassano, Napoleon, Marquis, 295 

De Beust, Count, and Eugenie, 36 

De Bouville, Comte, 239 

De Brimont, M., 133 

De Cambaceres, Due, and obsequies 

of the Emperor, 263 
De Cassagnac, Paul, the Empress's 

appeal to, 92 
De Castelbajac, Marquis, 20 (and note) 
De Chambord, Comte, and the Im- 
perialist party, 211, 246, 276, 281 
De Cosse-Brissac, Comte, 97, 100 

first meeting with, 3 
De Coulanges, Fustel, 64 
De Dalmas, M., 105, 312 
De Durfort de Civrac, Comte, 148 
De Failly, defeat of, and mutiny of 

his troops, 127 
De Genouilly, Admiral Rigault, no 
De Goltz, Count, 36 
De Gramont, Due, a bellicose note 

from, 87 
Deguerry, Abbe, cure of the Made- 
leine, 65 
De Hatzfeldt, M., and Regnier, 181 
De Hubner, Baron, Memoirs of, 80 

(note) 
Dejazet, Mile., 79 

De Keratry, M., his part in the Revo- 
lution, 138 
De la Graviere, Admiral Jurien, 7, 97, 
117;, 139, 14s, 154, 156, 158, 159 
a typical remark of, 99 
disillusioned regarding Trochu, 145 
submits a manuscript to the Em- 
press, 253 
De la Moskowa, Prince, at funeral of 

Emperor, 268 
De la Moskowa, Princess, 97, 3 14 

at Napoleon's funeral, 269 
De la Pagerie, Due Tascher, 103 
De la Poeze, Comtesse, 145 

at funeral of Emperor, 269 
De Larminat, Mile., maid of honor 

to Empress, 54, 84, 238 
De La Tour d'Auvergne, Prince, no, 112 
D'EIbee, Mile., 84 

De Lesseps, M., advice to the Empress 
before the Revolution, 141 
gains time, 155 

Order of Star of India for, 154 
temperament of, 10 
De Lesseps, Solange, 314 
Delessert, Cecile, marriage of, 12 
Delessert, fidouard, 12 
Delessert, Gabriel, 12 
De Lezay-Marnesia, M., 136 

composes Empress's manifesto, 103 
De Montebello, General, 155 
De Montijo, Count Cyprien (father of 
Empress Eugenie), 8 
death of, 15 



De Montijo, Comtesse, leaves Paris, 24 
matrimonial projects of, 10 
Merimee's correspondence with, 9 

De Montijo, Comtesse, undaunted op- 
timism of, 10 

De Mora, Comte and Comtesse, 314 

De Mouchy, Duchesse, 239, 249 

De Nadaillac, Comte, marriage of, 12 

De Nadaillac, Comtesse {see Delessert, 
Cecile) 

De Palikao, General, 106 
forms a Cabinet, 109 
his first speech, no 

De Parieu, M., and the question of 
England's mediation, 91 

De Paris, Comte, 281 

De Piennes, Marquis, 96, 98, 99, 162 
informs the Empress of serious re- 
verses, 99 
witnesses the premature rejoicings 
in Paris, 96 

De Pierres, Baron, 145 

De Praslin, Duchesse, Eugenie's rem- 
iniscences of, 55 

Deraisme, Mme., 54 

De Rayneval, Comtesse, 97 

De Richemont, M., 257 

De Rothschild, Baroness Meyer, 257 

De Rothschild, Hannah (Countess of 
Rosebery), 258 

De Sancy-Parabere, Mme., 269 

De Saulcy, Mme., 239 

at funeral of Napoleon III., 269 

De Saulcy, M., at Chislehurst, 239 

D'Escland, Eery, at Chislehurst, 252 

De Siskow, M., 186 

De Suarez d'Aulan, Comte, 154 

D'Essling, Princess, 97 
chided by the Empress, 99 

D'Estailleur, M., constructs a church 
at Farnborough, 310 

De Talhouet, M., retirement of, 104 

De Talleyrand, Duchesse, 239 

De Tarente, Duchesse, 239 

De Valabregue, M., arranges charades 
at the Tuileries, 72 

De Valdrome, Chevandier, 96 

De Villers, General, 183 

De Worms, Baron Henry, and the 
Prince Imperial, 257 

Des Varannes, M., 296 

D'Havrincourt, Marquis, 87 

Divorce, Empress Eugenie's views, 54 

Douay, General Abel, death of, 95 

Du Cane, Colonel, 251 

Dugue de la Fauconnerie, M., 105, 
312 

Duperre, Charles, 39, 175 

a much-discust telegram to: author 

on, 15 1-2 (notes) 
an interview with the Regent, 130 
pleads for pardon for author, 196 



321 



Index 



Duperre, views and reports on Camden 

Place, Chislehurst, 233 
Durban, Empress at, 297 
Duruy, Victor, 5 
Duval, Raoul, a private conversation 

with Empress, 275 et seq. 
Duval, Raoul, on motives which deter- 
mined Prince Imperial to leave 
for South Africa, 288 
Duvernois, Clement, no, 239 

a proposition of, to avert revolu- 
tion, 141 
communicates news of Paris re- 
joicings, 96 
death of, 112 

presses Trochu to explain, 124 
provisions Paris: his successor's tribute, 
112 

Edinburgh, Duke of, at lying in 

state of Emperor, 263 
Edmond, Charles, his revelations of 

Prince Jerome Napoleon, 38 
Egger, M., and the Empress, 52 
Ely, Lady, at Chislehurst, 241 
Ems incident, the, 87 
England, and the Franco-Prussian War, 

93 

Prince Imperial's tribute to, 289 
Eudes incites to rebellion, 115 
Eugenie, Empress, a birthday present 
to, 237 

a lawyers tea at Compiegne, 54 

a painful anniversary, 255 

a pilgrimage to Itelezi, 295 et seq. 

a rough crossing to England, 168 

a trip to Spain, 255 

a TuTco and his rifle, 126 

a typical letter to her husband, 82 

activities and influence of, 112 

an affecting scene after funeral of 
her husband, 271 

an indispensable condition for nego- 
tiations on peace, 214 

an instance of her magnanimity, 88 

and Bourbaki, 182 et seq. 

and her son's studies, 5 

and Mademoiselle Rachel, 13 

and M. Egger, 52 

and politics, 79 

and Rosa Bonheur, 34 

and Stendhal, 13, 16 

and the capitulation of Metz, 197 

and the cholera outbreak at Amiens, 
30.67 

and the Great War, 317 

and the question of England's media- 
tion, 91 

and Thiers' extraordinary statement 
regarding Sedan, 131 et seq. 

anxiety for her husband and son, 
128, 129, 292 



Eugenie, Empress, appointed Regent, 91 

et seq. 
appreciation of Metz Army, 227 
apprised of serious reverses, 98 
arrives at Cape Town, 296 
as actress, 19 

as guide at Malmaison, 89 
as hostess, 51, 53 

at a State ball at the Tuileries, 70 
at Sacre-Coeur convent, 11 
at the Tuileries, 61 et seq. 
attends a pauper funeral, 15 
attitude of, on the declaration of 

war, 88 
birth of, 8 
ceases to negotiate after fall of Metz, 

231 . 

conversations with Prince Metter- 
nich, 115 

corresponds with the Tsar and the 
Emperor of Austria, 171 et seq. 

counseled to "embrace" General 
Trochu, 117 

criticized for influencing the Em- 
peror, 119 

death of her son: how she received 
the news, 293 

declines to adopt disguise in her 
flight, 166 

declines to leave Paris, 140, 141 

desires an armistice, 225 

diplomacy as Regent, 92 

effaces herself, 282 

exceeds her responsibility, 105, 119 

failure of diplomatic negotiations, 
80 (note) 

farewell to husband and son, 90 

favorite authors of, 62 

flight of, 152 et seq. 

forbids Mellinet to fire on populace, 145 

full maiden name of, 11 (note) 

her anger at Prussian proposals for 
peace, 218 

her deposition pronounced in the 
Chamber, 149 

her gift of eloquence, 6 

her love of music, 12 

her love of the sea, 46 

her Ipyalty to her husband, 29 

her manifesto as Regent, 103 

her mournful night vigil, 267 

her worshipers, known and un- 
known, 36 ^i seq. 

how her outspoken remarks leaked 
out, 71 

how she received news of capitula- 
tion of Sedan, 134 

hunting parties at Fontainebleau, 23 

ignorant of Merimee's visit to Thiers, 
131 

in consultation with General Trochu, 
117 



322 



Index 



Eugenie, Empress, in exile, 170 gt seq. 
inspects and founds hospitals, 125-6 
institutes a committee for defense, 

121 
interview with Prince Napoleon, 275 
joins Prince Imperial at Hastings, 

169 
journeys to the East, 82 
lands at Cowes, 169 
last political act of, 305 
life at Fontainebleau, 47 
marriage of, 24 
negotiates with German headquarters, 

201 
news of two serious reverses, 99 
objects to her son entering Austrian 

army, 285 
obtains pardon for a French prisoner, 

on Court life, 56 

on the relations of husband and 
wife, 34 

orders removal of national treasures 
to Brest, 125 

pardons author, 196 

perfect understanding with her hus- 
band, 253 

portraits of, 3, 4 

presides at a meeting of Privy Council 
and Ministers, 100 

quiet courage of, 66-7 

receives Regnier, 190 et se^. 

refuses a disguised abdication pro- 
posal, 146 

refuses intervention of foreign Powers, 

resemblance to Mane Antomette, 75 

returns to Chislehurst, 286 

returns to the Tuileries, 100 

romance of Louis-Napoleon and, 20 

"slumming" in Paris, 65 

strange visitors to, 113 

suggested peace proposals of, 220 

summons Corps Ugislatif, 105 

the "party" of, "jS et seq. 

tries to dissuade Prince Imperial 
from going to South Africa, 287 

two aims of, 113 

views on divorce, 54 

visitors at Chislehurst, 239 et seq, 

visits Woking prison, 249 

wonderful memory of, 312 
Eugenio, Count of Montijo, and Godoi, 

8 
Evans, Dr., his services to the Em- 
press in flight, 163 et seq. 
Evans, Mrs., as hostess, 167 

Farnborough, a link with Chislehurst 
at, 23 s _ 
" a mansion in mourning," 309 
an incident at, 33 



Farnborough, house at, purchased by 

Empress, 308 

the crypt at, 3 10 
Fave, General, 175 

Favre, Jules, a resolution on deposition 
in the Chamber, 149 

asks for Committee of Public Safety, 121 

proposes dethronement, 138 

Trochu's interview with, 125 
Felix, M., 70 (note) 
Fencing at Chislehurst, 252 
Feraud, 126 
Ferdinand VII and Colonel Porto- 

carrero, 9 
Ferrieres, M. Regnier's interviews with 

Bismarck at, 181, 182, 192 
Ferry, Gabriel, 149 
Feuillet, Octave, 19 (note) 

and the Empress, 38 
Filon, Augustin (author), a cipher left 
at, and recovered from, the Tuileries, 

153, 156, 157 
a letter from Empress on a sad an- 
niversary, 255 
a much-discust telegram, 151 
a soul-stirring interview with Empress, 

advises Empress that she is exceed- 
ing her powers, 105 

an adventure underground, 107 

an unsuspected meeting with the 
Empress, 65 

and the mystery of Regnier, 194 

appointed tutor to Prince Imperial, i 

as proof corrector, 247 

at obsequies of Emperor, 261 et seq. 

becomes secretary to the Regent, 91 

broaches the subject of marriage to 
Prince Imperial, 285 

death of his father: a newspaper's 
"gratitude," 93 (note) 

disobeys the Empress, 180 

eye trouble of, 314 

his room at Saint Cloud, 85 

impressions of a lawyers* tea at 
Compiegne, 55 

in disgrace and his pardon, 181, 196 

interviews M. Regnier, 176 et seq. 

loses a collection of "letters of mani- 
acs," 246 (note) 

on royal resemblances, 75 

on the capitulation of Sedan con- 
troversy, 131 et seq. 

on the political role of Empress, 75 

presented to Queen of Holland, 74 

presented to the Empress, i, 2 

reminiscences of Empress's many 
admirers, 36 et seq. 

the Revolution and flight of the 
Empress, 152 

witnesses premature rejoicings in Paris, 
96 



323 



Index 



Filon, M. (father of author), at Com- 
piegne, 53 
death of, 93 (note) 
takes tea with the Empress, 54 
Fleury, General, 23 
at funeral of the Emperor, 268 
obtains guarantees from Tsar, 94 
Fleury, Mme., at Napoleon's funeral, 269 
Florence, Empress's stay in, 283 
Flowers, Miss, English governess of 

Empress, 15 
Fontainebleau, a series of accidents 
at, 50 
an incident at, 47 
hunting parties at, 23 
life at, 46 et seq. 
tea in the woods of, 49 
the "great days" of, 47 
Fodor, Mr., tragic death of, 238 
Forbach, Frossard defeated at, 98 
Fortoul, Mme., insults Empress, 23 
France, a black year for, 84 et seq. 
a Regency appointed in, 84 et seq. 
mobilization in, ill 
Napoleon (proclaimed Emperor of, 23 
Republic of: Bismarck and, 115 
Republic proclaimed, 163 
Revolution in, 124, 154 
the Ministry resigns, 109 
the Seize Mai landslide in, 284 
Francis Joseph, Emperor, assures Em- 
press of efforts for peace, 173 
refuses to accede to Prince Imperial's 
wish, 286 
Franco-Prussian war, England stands 
aloof, 93 
the Emperor leaves to join his troops, 
90 
Frederick Charles, Prince, and Bour- 
baki, 188 
headquarters of, 185 
French Press, the, and the Franco- 
Prussian war, 92 et seq. 
Frohsdorf, Comte de Paris's visit to, 

281 
Frossard, General, advance of, 95 
and author, I 

and the Prince Imperial, 56 
at funeral of Emperor, 268 
defeated at Forbach, 98 
on the Prussian stipulation for peace 
negotiations, 212 

Gambetta, M., 188, 208 
and the fall of Metz, 230-I 
pronounces deposition of Emperor 

and Empress, 149 
result of his telegram, 157 
vetoes a court of inquiry, 230 
Gamble, Mr., 58 

Gardonne, M., and the flight of the 
Empress, 155 



Gamier, Gommander, 54 

Germany's views on an armistice, 199 

Girardin, Emile, io6, 113 

a consultation with De Lesseps, 141 
Gladstone, Mr., visits Chislehurst, 240 
Goddard, Father, 252 
Gordon, Mme., and Prince Louis- 
Napoleon, 20 et seq. 

and the Strasbourg conspiracy, 20, 
21 
Gounod, M., 250 
Grandperret, M., 280 

his post in a new Cabinet, no 
Grandperret, M., organizes a second 

Government, 112 
Granville, Lord, and M. Regnier, 188 

and the Franco-Prussian war, 93 
Grevy, Jules, 114 
Guichet de I'fichelle, 144, 246 
Gull, Sir William, Emperor's consulta- 
tion with, 259, 260 

Hamilton, duchess of. Empress's pro- 
tracted visit to, 66 

Harrington, Earl and Countess of, 257 

Hastings, Empress at, 169 

Hatzfeldtj Count, conveys Bismarck's 
decision to Regnier, 193 

Haussman, M., 106 

Hinard, M. Damas, private secretary 
to the Empress, 91 

Hohenzollerns, the, and Napoleon, 197 

Holland, Queen of, gala soiree in honor 
of, 74 

Hortense, Queen, unpublished memoirs 
of, 247 

Irreconcilables of 1870, the, 114 
Isabella of Spain, Queen, a visit to 

the Tuileries, 68 
Italian question, the, 76 
Italy, and the Franco-Prussian war, 93 
visited by Empress and Prince Im- 
perial, 283 
Itelezi, Empress's pilgrimage to, 294 

Jacob, M., Trochu's order to, 149 

Jerrold, Blanchard, 243 

JoUivet, Gaston, informs author of 

capitulation of Sedan, 133 
Jurien, Admiral {see De la Graviere, 

Admiral) 

Knole, a delightful day at, 249 

Lachaud, M., 54 

and the Empress, 54 
Lafarge, Mme., her case discust, 55 
Lamey, M., 175 

Lamy, Etienne, supports Thiers, 132 
Lara-Minot, M., and the Sedan in- 
cident, 132 



324 



Index 



Latour-Dumoulin advocates deposition 

of Palikao, 121 
Laurier, Clement, 149 
La Villette, attack on fire station of, 

."5 
Lavisse, M., and the publication of 

news of Wissembourg action, 96 
Lebreton-Bourbaki, Mme., 139, 152, 

158 (and note), 164, 175 
a disagreeable privilege of, 189 
devotion of, 101-2 
reproaches the Empress, 166 
views and reports on Camden Place, 

Chislehurst, 233 
Le Due, Viollet, 54 

Leflo, General, summoned to Paris, 136 
Lennox, Lord Henry, 242 
Leopold, Prince, visits Chislehurst, 

241 
Lepic, General, 97 
Lesourd, M., and the Empress, 88 
Liegeard, M. Stephen, advises the 

Empress, 140 
Longman, Mr., 308 
Louis Blanc, Mme. Gordon and, 21 

(note) 
Louis-Lucien, Prince, 265 
Louis-Napoleon (see Napoleon III) 
Louis Philippe, King, designs library 

at St. Cloud, 59 
Louise, Duchesse de Montoro, 5, 65, 

69, 84, 97, I7S 
Louvet, M., 104 
Louvre, the, pictures sent for safety 

to Brest, 159 
Lyons, Lord, and the Franco-Prussian 

war, 93 

MacMahon, Marshal, a council of 
war at Chalons, 116 
a false rumor of a great victory by, 

96 
defeated at ReichshofFen, 98 
march to the north, I20 et seq., 127 
retirement of, 284 
Madeira, Empress at, 296 
Magne, M., no, 112 
Magnin, M., tribute to Clement Duver- 

nois, 112 
Malakoff, Marechale, at Napoleon's 

funeral, 269 
Malmaison, the, a pilgrimage to, 89 
Marconi, Signor, and the Empress, 313 
Marie, Duchesse de Galisteo, 5, 65, 69, 

84. 97, I7S 
Maritzburg, Empress in, 297 
Megy, M., 74 
Mellinet, General, 142, 155 
farewell to the Empress, 152 
parleys with insurgents, 159 
Merimee, M., a well-known telegram 
to, 44 



Merimee, a tribute to the Empress, 113 

and Empress, 14 

and Mme. de Montijo, 13, 24 

and the admirers of the Empress, 36 

his historic visit to Thiers, 130 

M. Thiers and, 9, 131 

publishes "Lokis," 60 
Metternich, Prince, 97, 156, 158, 160 

and the capitulation of Metz, 223 

Empress's conversations with, 94 

his "incorrect mission," 223 

the Empress and, 115 
Metternich, Princess, 249 
Metz, a mission from, to Prussian 
headquarters, 208 

capitulation demanded, 2CX) 

fall of, 226 
Montijo {see De Montijo) 
Murat, Princess Anna, at Fontaine- 
bleau, 47 

Napoleon III, Emperor, a council of 
war at Chalons, 116 

a disturbing letter from, 94 

a jaux-pas of, 77 

a holiday at Torquay, 255 

a momentous utterance by, 90 

a note on Queen Victoria's visit, 240 

a pen portrait of the Empress by, 
ZO et seq. 

an address from the Senate, 89 

and author, 247 

announces Pnnce Imperial's baptism 
of fire, 95 

approves action of author, 196 

arrives at Chislehurst, 239 

as card-player, 73 

Bismarck's interview with, after Se- 
dan, 203 

consults Sir W. Gull and Sir J. Pa- 
get, 259 

contents of his pocket-book, 35 (note) 

death and funeral of, 260 et seq. 

discusses an armistice, 198 

Empress's visit to Wilhelmshohe, 254 

English welcome to, 240 

essays work of a turner, 248 

his admiration of Empress's political 
talents, 80 (note) 

his aloofness during the crisis, 87 

his coffin-plate, 266 

his deposition pronounced in the 
Chamber, 149 

his indiflFerence to money matters, 

.279 
his plan of campaign and how it 

was thwarted, 94 
in a temper, 28 

in an invidious position, I13 rt seq. 
invents a new mortar, 248 
leaves to join his army, 90 
liaisons of, 14, 25, 32, 76 



32s 



Index 



Napoleon, III, Emperor, marriage of, 

24 
perfect sympathy and understanding 

with the Empress, 252 
personal estate of, 278 (note) 
plays patience, 250 
resigns command to Marshal Bazaine, 

"S . . 
superstition of, 78 
two-party system of, 77 
will of, 272 
Napoleon, Eugene Louis Jean Joseph, 
better known as the Prince Im- 
perial {q. V.) 
Napoleon, Prince Jerome, 14 (note) 
a private conversation with Empress, 

275 
and the Empress, 38 
and the Franco-Prussian War, 93 
arrested and imprisoned, 30s* 
attends requiem Mass at Chislehurst, 

307 
demands a second will, 274 
recommends nomination of Trochu 

as Governor of Paris, 117 
responsible for a malignant rumor, 

277 
terms on which he would make rec- 
onciliation, 276 
Napoleon, Prince Louis, and Mile. 

Rachel, 14 (note) 
Napoleon, Prince Victor, 291 
Napoleon-Charles, Prince, 265 
National Guard, the, favors the Revo- 
lution, 151 
Ney, Edgar, Napoleon's letter to, 78 
Nigra, Chevalier, 156, 158, 160 
Nisson, Mme., at Chislehurst, 252 

O'Connor, Father, 251 
OUivier, Emile, 100 

a message from the Empress to, 102 

a telegram to the Emperor from, 103 

and the Empress, 83 

invidious position of, 104 

precludes Empress from attending 
Council of Ministers, 83 

requests Empress to return to Paris, 

?7 
resignation of, 109 
tribute to chairmanship of Empress 

at the Council, 102 

Paget, Lord Alfred, 241 

Paget, Sir James, a consultation with, 

259 
Palais Bourbon, the, in hands of revo- 
lutionaries, 150 
Paris, a committee for defense of, 
appointed, 121 
a night sitting of the Chamber, 138 
Empress's visit in 1883, 306 



126 



Paris, flight of the Empress, 152 
premature rejoicings in, 96 
preparations for siege in, 11 1 
Revolution scenes in, 138 
task of provisioning for siege of, 112 
the Chamber invaded by the mob, 

149 
the Palais Bourbon in hands of the 

mob, 150 
under martial law, 97 
"white overalls" riots in, 74, 80 
Patti, Mme., at Chislehurst, 252 
Picard, Ernest, and the Marquis d'An- 

delarre, 125 
Pietri, Franceschini, 44, 117 
and Napoleon's will, 274, 278 
at Chislehurst, 239 
at obsequies of Emperor, 265 
death of, 315 
Empress describes scene of her son's 

death to, 302 
goes to the front, 91 
Pietri, Franceschini, his rooms at Villa 
Cyrnos, Cap Martin, 311 
integrity of, 278 
Pinard, M., 280 
opposes dethronement of Emperor, 
.138 
Pius IX, Pope, Prince Imperial re- 
ceived by, 284 
Portocarrero, Colonel, 9 
Portocarrero, Paca {see De Montijo) 
Prevost-Paradol, M., visits the Em- 
press, 86 
Prince Imperial, the, a bilious attack, 
28 
a settlement by Empress on, 280 
antipathy against Prince Napoleon, 

30s 

as theater-goer, 251 

at Hastings, 168 

at obsequies of his father, 264, 268, 
270 

at Royal Military Academy, Wool- 
wich, 259, 272 

death of, 292 

Empress wishes him to see the poor, 

65 . 
first public speech in English, 249 
grave of, visited by Empress, 299 
his anxiety to go to the front, 89 
his baptism of fire, 95 
his tutor, 2 et seq. 
lessons in cycling, 47 
motives actuating his departure for 

South Africa, 288 et seq. 
movements during last days of the 

Empire, 128-130 
nominates his heir, 305 
obtains permission to join English 

Army in South Africa, 287 
pays his respects to Pius IX, 284 



Index 



Prince Imperial, present at a review 
near Hampton Court, 249 
recreations of, 249 
relaxations in the Isle of Wight, 257 
rooms at Chislehurst, 236-7 
_ signs M. Regnier's photographs, 
179 
studies of, 256, 281 
thriftiness of, 279 
views on marriage, 285 
visits Arenenberg, 283 
visits to places of interest, 249 
will disinheriting Prince Napoleon, 291 
Zulu testimony as to his death, 301 
Prussia not hostile to Imperial Dy- 
nasty, 204 
Prussian Government demands guar- 
antees of peace, 199 
negotiations with, after fall of Metz, 

232 
warned by Empress, 188 
Przedjecka, Mme., at Fontainebleau, 47 

Rachel, Mlle., "heroine" worship 

for, 13 
Ranc, M., and the capitulation of 

Sedan, 133 
Redel, Mile., Imperial governess, 5 

(note), 97 
Regnault de St. Jean-d'Angely, Mare- 

chale, 269 
Regnier, M., arrives at Hastings, 175 
at Prussian headquarters, 181, 193 
death of, 194 
English opinion of, 189 
how he obtained signed photographs, 

179 et seq. 
received by the Empress, 190 et seq. 
ReichshofFen, MacMahon defeated at, 98 
Revolution, French, dawn of, 139 
Revolutions, first effects of, 216 
Rosebery, Lord, on the Empress's ad- 
mirers, 36 
on the fall of the first Empire, 143 
Rouher, M., 100, 281 

particulars of lying in state of Em- 
peror, 266 
questions M. Lesourd, 88 
settles at Richmond, 239 
suggests negotiator for peace, 201 
Russell, Earl, 242 

Russia and the Franco-Prussian war, 94 
Grand Duchess Marie of, a gala 
soiree in honor of, 74 

Saint-Arnaud, MARfecHALE, at funeral 

of Emperor, 269 
Saint Cloud, a description of, 57 

a fatal telegram from General Head- 
quarters received at, 98 
author presented to Empress Eu- 
genie at, 2 



Saint Cloud, life at, 58 

ministerial visits to, 85 

the Court in the summer of 1870, 
84 et seq. 

the library at, 59 
St. Hilaire, Barthelemy, 141 (note) 
Salome, Princess, 239 
Sandeau, Jules, librarian at Saint Cloud, 

Sardou, Victorien, 155 

Sarrebriick, the engagement at, 95 

Savaiy, M., 54 

Schmitz, General, Trochu's chief-of- 

staff, 144 
Schneider, M., 100 

in tears, 136 
Scott, Dr., 295 
Sedan, capitulation of: a controversy 

regarding, 131 et seq. 
See, Dr. Germain, diagnoses Emperor's 

malady, 259 (note) 
Shaw, Miss, English nurse of the Prince 

Imperial, 27 
Slade, Captain, 299 

accompanies Empress to Itelezi, 295 
South Africa, public sympathy with 
Empress in, 297 
death of Prince Imperial in, 292 
{see also Zulu War) 
Southwark, Catholic Bishop of, offici- 
ates at funeral of Emperor, 269 
Spain, a revolution in, 20 
State balls at the Tuileries, 69 
Steenackers, M., Trochu's order to, 137 
"Stendhal," M. (Henri Beyle), childish 
recollections of, 13 
Empress's letter of 1839 to, 16 
Stoffel, Colonel, 276 
urges Prince Imperial to enter Aus- 
trian army, 285 
Strasbourg conspiracy, the, 21 
Strode, Nathaniel, ancestors of, 236 
at Camden Place, 238 
offers a residence to Empress, 233 
Suez Canal, opening of the, I2 
Suffield, Lord, at obsequies of Em- 
peror, 268 
Sullivan, Sir Arthur, piano improvisa- 
tions at Chislehurst, 252 
Sydney, Lady, at obsequies of Em- 
peror, 269 
visits to Camden Place, 242 
Sydney, Lord, at funeral of Napoleon 
III, 268 
fatal news for Empress, 293 
takes Prince Imperial to Houses of 

Parliament, 249 
visits to Camden Place, 242 



Tachard, M., 188, 201 

Tait, Archbishop, at Chislehurst, 242 

Thelin, Gabriel, 63 



327 



Index 



Thiers, M., 9 

a memorable utterance of, 87 

and the committee for defense, 121, 

122 
and the Empress, 115 
buys the "secrets" of a renegade, 

?44 

evidence before Commission of In- 
quiry, 130 et seq., 141 (note) 

his proposition in the Chamber, 

,149 

Merimee's historic visit to, 130 
Thistle, Empress's voyages on, 313 
Thompson, Sir Henry, operates on the 

Emperor, 260 
Tissot, M., his "incorrect mission," 

225 
Tours, Bourbaki's reception at, 189 
Government of, feigns indignation 

at fall of Metz, 230 
Tower of London, a visit to the, 

249 
Trianon, the, court-martial at, 231 
Trochu, General, 100 

a lame explanation by, 144 

a pen-portrait of, 122 et seq. 

and "moral force," 121, 124 

awaits events, 150 

Bismarck's opinion of, 208 

conditions on which he would accept 

office, 106 
exercises his powers, 149 
Governor of Paris, 109, ir6 
his first decree, 150 (note) 
in command of an army corps, iii 
in open rebellion, 137 
rash speech to the Mobiles, 120 
refuses to obey aji order from the 

Regent, 136, 143 
relations with members of the Left, 

124, 125 
tribute to the Empress, 113 
Tuileries, the, a Council meeting at, 

100 
a hospital established on the terrace 

of, 126 
an armed crowd before, 153 
an ecclesiastical humbug's visit, 113 
besieged, 139 
charades at, 72 
De Lesseps' account of invasion of, 

deputation from Parliament at, 145 

evenings at, 73 

"family dinners" at, 70 

hostility of the Guards, 145 

informal dinners at, 68 

life at, 6\ et seq., 101 

loyalty of household at, 142, 143 

State balls at, 69 

the Emperor's rooms, 63 

the Empress's rooms, 62 



Tuileries, the Guichet de I'fichelle, 144, 
246 
the oratory at, 64 

Uhlmann, servant of Prince Imperial, 
179, 292 

Val-de-Grace, Empress's visit to, 125 
Vaudrey, Colonel, 21 
Vaughan, Miss Minnie, 243 
Versailles, a telegram from Emperor to 
Prussian headquarters at, 198 
General Boyer's interview with Bis- 
marck, 202 et seq. 
Victor Emmanuel, King, a witty reply 

of Empress to, 281 
Victoria, Queen, confers Order of Star 
of India on De Lesseps, 154 
friendship with the Empress, 241 
learns of death of Prince Imperial, 292 
solicitude of, for Empress, 292, 295 
visits Camden Place, 240 
Vieillard, M., and Mile. Rachel, 14 

(note) 
Vinoy, General, an army corps for, iii 

Wales, Prince of (afterwards Edward 
VII), at lying in state of Emperor, 
263 
thanksgiving service for recovery of, 
240 
Walewska, Mme., loi 

her daughters, 84 
Walewski, Comte, 314 
Washburne, Mr., U. S. Minister, 163 
Waterpark, Lady, 241 
Welschinger, Henri, his "Diplomatic 
History of the War of 1870," 226 
(note) 
"White overalls" riots in Paris, 74, 80 
Wight, Isle of, a holiday in, 256 et seq. 
Wilhelmshohe, a telegram from Em- 
peror at, and Prussian reply, 198 
Empress's secret visit to, 254 
William of Prussia, King, insists on 
cessions, 228-9 
refuses negotiations suggested by Em- 
press, 223 
refuses to treat, 215 
Winterhalter's portrait of the Empress, 

3.4 

Wissembourg, battle of, 95 

Wolseley, Lord, receives orders for 
return of Prince Imperial, 292 

Wood, General Sir Evelyn (Field Mar- 
shal), an inquiry in Zululand by, 301 
as escort for Empress, 295 

Wood, Lady, 296 

Zululand, Empress Eugenie in, 299 
Zulu War, Prince Imperial takes part 
in, 287 et seq. 



328 



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